Radicals on the move?

Radicals on the move?

After what has seemed to many observers like a rather
protracted period of indecision, it appears President B.J.
Habibie has now acquired the necessary self-confidence to launch
a convincing counteroffensive against his critics and antagonists
and build himself a base solid enough at least to complete the
daunting task of restarting the nation on its way to economic
recovery. To be precise, Habibie's initial, often wavering, steps
in that direction have been evident for some time. But it was
only on Tuesday that the latest design of his political strategy
was revealed.

The stage setting seemed ideal, the timing flawless. Presiding
over ceremonies to mark the 53rd anniversary of the Indonesian
Armed Forces (ABRI), Habibie warned the assembled military and
civilian dignitaries, plus the millions of viewers watching the
televised transmission, that groups of radical and revolutionary
elements were beginning to emerge to threaten the nation.
Ordering the military to take proactive measures to counter those
groups, Habibie warned that "slowly, there is a trend among some
small groups in society that shows the emergence of seeds of
radical and revolutionary movements which claim to speak and act
for the reform movement". Several leaders of the movement had
planned and carried out destructive and unconstitutional actions
in an attempt to force their will on the people, he added,
without naming names.

The President expressed the hope that "the purity of the
nation's current reform campaign can be safeguarded so that it
will not be tarnished by the maneuvers of radical and
revolutionary groups". Such steps, he said, were necessary to
halt actions and movements by individuals or groups openly
working to create an uncontrollable, unsafe and unstable
situation.

The patent irony of the situation aside -- Habibie came to
power in May through precisely such "radical" and "revolutionary"
movements that brought down his predecessor, Soeharto -- there is
no question that order and stability must be preserved if
political life is to proceed and the economy is to be revived.
However, one might question, as many observers do, the wisdom of
Habibie's invoking the threat of radicals and revolutionaries to
achieve this purpose. Indeed, in the present Indonesian context,
the casting of vague allegations -- insinuations might be a
better word -- such as those made by Habibie could put the
current reform movement in danger.

It is no secret that many of the students who brought about
the downfall of Soeharto's New Order regime are dissatisfied with
the progress of the reform program under Habibie. Some student
leaders have openly voiced their opposition to the President and
proposed that he be replaced by a national "people's committee".
In the meantime, allegations of the student movement being
infiltrated by radicals and revolutionaries, or even communists,
are bandied about by a growing number of officials and Habibie
supporters. Under the circumstances, it is difficult to avoid the
impression that such allegations are being deliberately
disseminated to justify a possible crackdown on the student-led
reform movement. Most frightening of all about this scenario is
that if it actually materializes, it would not be difficult to
imagine the country slowly sliding back toward repression.

While it may be rash to simply dismiss the allegations of
radicalism as nonsense, the government needs to come up with
detailed proof of its assertions. Unless it does so, the
denunciations will only encourage mutual distrust and animosity
in the community and lay the foundation for a return of the old
repressive political culture. We should by now have learned the
most telling lesson of the recent past. If genuine stability is
to prevail, the best way to ensure it is not by repression and
stigmatizing opponents, but by guaranteeing that the program for
democratic reforms is kept on track and that the democratic
aspirations of the population are heeded.