Quiet revolution in Southeast Asia

This is the second of two articles based on an address presented by Deputy Foreign Minister of Thailand Sukhumbhand Paribatra at the seminar on "The 1999 Indonesian Elections: Lessons Learnt and Challenges to Consolidate the Transition" organized by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance in Jakarta on July 27, 1999.

JAKARTA: The fourth challenge is the challenge of human security. We live in a fast-changing world. International and regional interdependence is rapidly increasing. The existing state boundaries continue to be accepted as legitimate lines of political division and points of reference for the conduct of relations among states. But individuals' security and wellbeing are now more and more affected by transnational problems, such as the environment, drugs, diseases, trade in women and children, and piracy.

In such a world, the question is: should the ends of national policies and regional cooperation be simply the enhancement of the security and wellbeing of states and the region?

My answer would be an emphatic "No".

I believe that all of us should be concerned with the security and wellbeing of the individual as well as the state's and the region's, that we should also proactively seek to promote "human security".

At minimum, "human security" means freedom from fear and freedom from want.

At maximum, "human security" means the achievement of a political, social and economic environment, which guarantees the dignity and rights of the individual and provides the framework for the development of the individual's capabilities to the limit.

To enhance "human security", there has to be a fundamental attitudinal change on the part of governments, especially where their perceived roles as guardians of their states' sovereignty and security are concerned. "National security" and "human security" need to be seen as two sides of the same coin.

There has to be also a sense of shared responsibility and shared destiny both among governments and between governments and peoples. Resources, both national and regional, both public and private, need to be fully mobilized to the enhancement of "human security", especially for the benefit of the poor and the uneducated, the disabled and the marginalised, and the women and children, who are innocent victims of circumstances, discrimination, abuse and exploitation.

The fifth challenge is the challenge of societal change.

As discussed earlier, in the first two decades of the new century, all the states in the region are likely to undergo far- reaching economic and social changes.

During these processes, social and political awareness is likely to increase, expectations multiply, and the agenda of politics and governance expand.

If history is any guide, it is likely that such agenda will sooner or later include such key questions as: individual rights and civil liberties; human dignity and community interests; political legitimacy and good governance; rights to political participation and better livelihood; and the rule of law and freedom from religious persecution and certain forms of social and economic exploitation. History also suggests that failure to address this challenge of societal change creates conditions for conflict, instability and violence, as in the cases of Thailand in 1970s and the Philippines in the 1980s.

To address this challenge, I believe that there must be process of self-renewal on the part of all societies concerned.

One form of self-renewal is continuing political reform. It is ultimately necessary, both as a means of adjustment to and accommodation with newly emerging societal demands and as a means of bringing about politically sustainable economic growth over the longer term.

Another form of self-renewal is the promotion of what I call "development with a human face".

The direction of social and economic development must serve, not only efforts to bring about national or regional security and wellbeing, but also the causes of both the civil society and the human person.

Development must go beyond statistics and empirical data of social and economic progress. It must increasingly embrace the human dimension and respond to the changing needs and expectations of societies and all the individuals who are members thereof.

Complex and far-reaching changes and challenges lie ahead for Southeast Asia, as we approach the dawning of the new millennium. It will not be easy for the regional states to address them in an effective and constructive manner. Regional cooperation provides some answers. But in the absence of a convergence of norms, values, beliefs, and political and diplomatic practices among them, regional cooperation itself may become a victim of these changes and challenges. No one can or should intervene to change the existing domestic political arrangement in another country, for this will surely fail and cause irreparable damage to regional cooperation. This means that regional dissonance may continue to be a fact of life.

But continued regional dissonance in the end may also cause irreparable damage to the cause of regionalism. Therein lies the dilemma.

Realities are harsh and intractable. The challenges facing Southeast Asia can not be wished away like figments of imagination. Governments and leaders have to accept many things as facts of life. A person in my humble position even more so. But one always has the right to dream and one can always dream.

I have a dream that ASEAN will become an increasingly influential actor in world affairs, leading by wisdom, experience and moral example.

I have a dream that ASEAN will become an increasingly integrated regional community, with a growing convergence of values and interests and with the capacity and will to address all issues of common concern, especially those that touch the daily lives, security and wellbeing of ordinary citizens.

I have a dream that one day all Southeast Asians will reach a consensus that democracy, despite its imperfections, is the best form of governance in a less-than-perfect world, that democracy, far from being a western concept or value, can be planted and nurtured to full and vibrant growth in our own way, in our own conditions, in accordance to our expectations, priorities and needs.

I have a dream that one day all Southeast Asians will be fully committed to the task of promoting the fundamental principles of democracy, namely human rights and civil liberties, voluntary participation, good governance, accountability, transparency and the rule of law.

I have a dream, as the authors and adopters of the ASEAN Vision 2020 statement of December 1997 did, that one day all Southeast Asian societies will be vibrant and open ASEAN societies, where all the citizens enjoy equal access to opportunities for further development, regardless of their gender, race, religion, language, or social and cultural background, and where the civil society is empowered and human dignity protected, with special care given to the disadvantaged, the disable, and the marginalised.

I have dream that, in this Southeast Asia of the future, in this Southeast Asia which is undergoing a quiet revolution, on the strength of its successful political reform, Indonesia as the region's largest country will continue to stand proud and tall and make a leading contribution towards the peace, prosperity and progress of all Southeast Asians.