Putting Myanmar on ASEAN map

By Asvi Warman Adam

JAKARTA (JP): At the first informal ASEAN summit here in November last year, it was decided that Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar would become members at the same time, at a point to be decided in the future. Even though Myanmar has been marred by political unrest until recently, there were hopes that the military would restrain itself and make efforts to start discussions with the opposition, including students.

But unrest aside, Indonesia has both historical and strategical reasons for supporting Myanmar's candidacy for ASEAN membership this year.

For historical reasons, Indonesia owes Myanmar, formerly Burma, a favor. Aboe Bakar Loebis, in his book Kilas Balik Revolusi (Flashback to the Revolution) 1992, wrote that Burma supported Indonesia's struggle for freedom wholeheartedly after it proclaimed its independence in 1945.

Before the second military action of the Dutch in 1948, a Burmese envoy was sent out to observe Indonesia's development and to provide as much assistance as possible. His name was Thakin Tha Kin, a leader of the socialist party of Burma.

He arrived in Yogyakarta from Rangoon in the company of Aswismarmo (who later became the Indonesian ambassador in Vietnam). When the Dutch attacked Yogyakarta, he fled the country in the last plane from Madiun to Manila.

After reporting the latest developments in Indonesia to his government, the Burmese administration concluded that an international conference should be held to assist the fledging republic. Burma realized, however, it was not well-placed to organize such a conference, especially as it was facing the ill effects of a communist uprising.

A delegation comprising Foreign Minister U Kyaw Nyein, Agricultural Minister Bo Khin Maung Gale, Trade Minister U Soe Tin, and Thakin Tha Kin was dispatched to raise the suggestion with Prime Minister Nehru, to hold the conference in India. Nehru was in favor of their suggestion and the Asian Conference on Indonesia was promptly held in the third week of January 1949. It was attended by 19 countries, including Egypt, Australia and New Zealand. Among the Indonesian representatives were Sumitro Djojohadikusumo and Haji Rasyidi.

The event received worldwide coverage. It was the first time that independent Asian countries had assembled to defend the freedom of another nation whose independence was at stake as it came under siege of its former colonial rulers.

The New Delhi decision was a huge blow to the Netherlands. The resolution proved clearly that the Dutch had lost their international footing because of their aggressive act. It demanded among other things, 1) the immediate release of detained republic leaders, 2) that the special region of Yogyakarta should be returned instantly to the republic 3) the surrender of the regions, Java, Sumatra, and Madura, no later than March 15 1949, and 4) the capitulation of Dutch-held regions in Indonesia before January 1, 1950. This resolution was delivered to the United Nations, then finally adopted in a resolution of the United Nations Board.

Loebis wrote that Burma's support did not stop at the conference alone, and made available a radio station belonging to the Burmese army commander, Gen. Ne Win. The station connected the Indonesian representative in Burma with Aceh and West Sumatra. The Burmese army also sent weapons and ammunition to Aceh, transported by Indonesian Airways and delivered by Wiweko to Col. Hidayat in Aceh.

Indonesian Airways also operated in Burma, becoming one of the foreign income earners for the freedom struggle besides pioneering the nation's first national airline company. In return, Indonesian Airways operations aided in crushing the Burmese communist rebellion. Even after independence, Indonesia was always given special treatment. Burma came to the rescue during a rice shortage in Indonesia, despite the fact they could hardly afford to export the staple food.

Myanmar now enjoys close ties with China. At the start of 1996, Gen. Than Shwe, the leader of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), visited China and signed several cooperative agreements of an economic, financial and technical nature. Before that, Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Li Ruihuan, a top Chinese official, visited Yangoon in December 1995.

At the time, Gen. Than Shwe said that "China is Myanmar's most trusted friend". China has, since 1989, sent weapons to Myanmar valued at more than US$ 1 billion. More important still, navy equipment has been installed and is run by Chinese technicians. China, thereby, gained access to the seas between India and Southeast Asia.

Chinese engineers are involved in several road and railroad projects, starting from Yunan and following the northern part of Myanmar onto the Bay of Benggal.

From a military and strategical perspective, road and railroad development are of important significance to mobilize logistics and Chinese troops during wartime. The present development in their relationship gives the Chinese direct access to the Indian Ocean, without having to pass the South China Sea.

ASEAN does not like to see Myanmar fall in the clutches of China. It is known that, of late, China has been regarded as a potential threat to ASEAN. In making Myanmar a member of ASEAN, the organization would be in a position to stem the approaches of China.

Myanmar's military strength ranks second after Vietnam in Southeast Asia (Vietnam 572,000 troops, Myanmar 286,000 troops, Indonesia 274,500 troops). Myanmar's membership in ASEAN could be considered a boost of military strength for the organization. On one hand, it is expected to loosen China's control over the country.

Former Minister of Mines and Energy Subroto predicted that Indonesia's oil reserves, presently estimated at 10 billion barrels, would be exhausted after 15 years if no new explorations were undertaken. Oil is the second reason for attracting Myanmar into the ASEAN fold. At the time, Indonesia was predicted to become an importer of oil. In anticipation of things to come, Pertamina is already making efforts to enter the Myanmar oil industry. A memorandum of understanding was signed and an Indonesian-Myanmar joint company sealed a cooperation recently.

Myanmar currently has a refinery with a capacity of 60,000 barrels per day, though production recently decreased to 40,000 barrels. Production is expected to rise if Pertamina is able to station its personnel.

The third reason, involves Moslem refugees, Rohingya, who number some 35,000 in Bangladesh and are just as poor as the Myanmarese. Being a Moslem nation, Indonesia would certainly like to help settle the problem. However, such an act would be more effective if Myanmar was already a member of ASEAN. The case resembles that of the Moros in the Philippines. It was solved after the concerted efforts of the Organization of Islam Conferences (OIC), and Indonesia in particular.

There are still many points of discussion which need to be raised. First, after 45 years of fighting for independence, Burma underwent several types of rule, which western observers grouped as follows: 1948-1962 constitutional government, 1962-1974 military regime, 1974-1987 constitutional dictatorship, and 1988- now, military junta.

The classification is, however, debatable. It is clear that in 1962, at the time Gen. Ne Win was in power, he crushed a communist uprising. Despite his victory, he did not side with the United States. On the contrary, he began a policy of isolation. What natural factors or geopolitics of the country could have triggered this policy?

Former kingdoms of the country were established in the valleys within the confinement of tall mountains and thus isolated from neighboring countries. Harbors on the shoreline experienced no growth, adding more to the impression that the Burmese are really a hinterland people who find it hard to communicate with foreigners. They are not a coastal people, who are used to trading and who know the meaning of loss and profit.

Second, the original name of the country, Burma, denoted an ethnic tribe of the country. There are many more ethnic tribes, some of which joined in the fold of the rebels. Unity and unification is still an unsolved matter. To this day, thousands of armed rebel splinter groups roam the country. Not to mention the "opium kings" who are keeping their own bands of "fortune soldiers".

Everybody believes that democracy is important in a state. However, to be quite honest in such a situation - like Indonesia in the mid 1960s, for instance - what should be given greater priority, political stability or democracy?

Dr. Asvi Warman Adam is a researcher at the Regional Political Research and Development Center of the National Institute of Sciences.

Window: ASEAN does not like to see Myanmar fall in the clutches of China. It is known that, of late, China has been regarded as a potential threat to ASEAN.