Putting Myanmar on ASEAN map

Putting Myanmar on ASEAN map

By Asvi Warman Adam

JAKARTA (JP): At the first informal ASEAN summit here in
November last year, it was decided that Cambodia, Laos and
Myanmar would become members at the same time, at a point to be
decided in the future. Even though Myanmar has been marred by
political unrest until recently, there were hopes that the
military would restrain itself and make efforts to start
discussions with the opposition, including students.

But unrest aside, Indonesia has both historical and
strategical reasons for supporting Myanmar's candidacy for ASEAN
membership this year.

For historical reasons, Indonesia owes Myanmar, formerly
Burma, a favor. Aboe Bakar Loebis, in his book Kilas Balik
Revolusi (Flashback to the Revolution) 1992, wrote that Burma
supported Indonesia's struggle for freedom wholeheartedly after
it proclaimed its independence in 1945.

Before the second military action of the Dutch in 1948, a
Burmese envoy was sent out to observe Indonesia's development and
to provide as much assistance as possible. His name was Thakin
Tha Kin, a leader of the socialist party of Burma.

He arrived in Yogyakarta from Rangoon in the company of
Aswismarmo (who later became the Indonesian ambassador in
Vietnam). When the Dutch attacked Yogyakarta, he fled the country
in the last plane from Madiun to Manila.

After reporting the latest developments in Indonesia to his
government, the Burmese administration concluded that an
international conference should be held to assist the fledging
republic. Burma realized, however, it was not well-placed to
organize such a conference, especially as it was facing the ill
effects of a communist uprising.

A delegation comprising Foreign Minister U Kyaw Nyein,
Agricultural Minister Bo Khin Maung Gale, Trade Minister U Soe
Tin, and Thakin Tha Kin was dispatched to raise the suggestion
with Prime Minister Nehru, to hold the conference in India. Nehru
was in favor of their suggestion and the Asian Conference on
Indonesia was promptly held in the third week of January 1949. It
was attended by 19 countries, including Egypt, Australia and New
Zealand. Among the Indonesian representatives were Sumitro
Djojohadikusumo and Haji Rasyidi.

The event received worldwide coverage. It was the first time
that independent Asian countries had assembled to defend the
freedom of another nation whose independence was at stake as it
came under siege of its former colonial rulers.

The New Delhi decision was a huge blow to the Netherlands. The
resolution proved clearly that the Dutch had lost their
international footing because of their aggressive act. It
demanded among other things, 1) the immediate release of detained
republic leaders, 2) that the special region of Yogyakarta should
be returned instantly to the republic 3) the surrender of the
regions, Java, Sumatra, and Madura, no later than March 15 1949,
and 4) the capitulation of Dutch-held regions in Indonesia before
January 1, 1950. This resolution was delivered to the United
Nations, then finally adopted in a resolution of the United
Nations Board.

Loebis wrote that Burma's support did not stop at the
conference alone, and made available a radio station belonging to
the Burmese army commander, Gen. Ne Win. The station connected
the Indonesian representative in Burma with Aceh and West
Sumatra. The Burmese army also sent weapons and ammunition to
Aceh, transported by Indonesian Airways and delivered by Wiweko
to Col. Hidayat in Aceh.

Indonesian Airways also operated in Burma, becoming one of the
foreign income earners for the freedom struggle besides
pioneering the nation's first national airline company. In
return, Indonesian Airways operations aided in crushing the
Burmese communist rebellion. Even after independence, Indonesia
was always given special treatment. Burma came to the rescue
during a rice shortage in Indonesia, despite the fact they could
hardly afford to export the staple food.

Myanmar now enjoys close ties with China. At the start of
1996, Gen. Than Shwe, the leader of the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), visited China and signed several
cooperative agreements of an economic, financial and technical
nature. Before that, Chairman of the Chinese People's Political
Consultative Conference Li Ruihuan, a top Chinese official,
visited Yangoon in December 1995.

At the time, Gen. Than Shwe said that "China is Myanmar's most
trusted friend". China has, since 1989, sent weapons to Myanmar
valued at more than US$ 1 billion. More important still, navy
equipment has been installed and is run by Chinese technicians.
China, thereby, gained access to the seas between India and
Southeast Asia.

Chinese engineers are involved in several road and railroad
projects, starting from Yunan and following the northern part of
Myanmar onto the Bay of Benggal.

From a military and strategical perspective, road and railroad
development are of important significance to mobilize logistics
and Chinese troops during wartime. The present development in
their relationship gives the Chinese direct access to the Indian
Ocean, without having to pass the South China Sea.

ASEAN does not like to see Myanmar fall in the clutches of
China. It is known that, of late, China has been regarded as a
potential threat to ASEAN. In making Myanmar a member of ASEAN,
the organization would be in a position to stem the approaches of
China.

Myanmar's military strength ranks second after Vietnam in
Southeast Asia (Vietnam 572,000 troops, Myanmar 286,000 troops,
Indonesia 274,500 troops). Myanmar's membership in ASEAN could be
considered a boost of military strength for the organization. On
one hand, it is expected to loosen China's control over the
country.

Former Minister of Mines and Energy Subroto predicted that
Indonesia's oil reserves, presently estimated at 10 billion
barrels, would be exhausted after 15 years if no new explorations
were undertaken. Oil is the second reason for attracting Myanmar
into the ASEAN fold. At the time, Indonesia was predicted to
become an importer of oil. In anticipation of things to come,
Pertamina is already making efforts to enter the Myanmar oil
industry. A memorandum of understanding was signed and an
Indonesian-Myanmar joint company sealed a cooperation recently.

Myanmar currently has a refinery with a capacity of 60,000
barrels per day, though production recently decreased to 40,000
barrels. Production is expected to rise if Pertamina is able to
station its personnel.

The third reason, involves Moslem refugees, Rohingya, who
number some 35,000 in Bangladesh and are just as poor as the
Myanmarese. Being a Moslem nation, Indonesia would certainly like
to help settle the problem. However, such an act would be more
effective if Myanmar was already a member of ASEAN. The case
resembles that of the Moros in the Philippines. It was solved
after the concerted efforts of the Organization of Islam
Conferences (OIC), and Indonesia in particular.

There are still many points of discussion which need to be
raised. First, after 45 years of fighting for independence, Burma
underwent several types of rule, which western observers grouped
as follows: 1948-1962 constitutional government, 1962-1974
military regime, 1974-1987 constitutional dictatorship, and 1988-
now, military junta.

The classification is, however, debatable. It is clear that in
1962, at the time Gen. Ne Win was in power, he crushed a
communist uprising. Despite his victory, he did not side with the
United States. On the contrary, he began a policy of isolation.
What natural factors or geopolitics of the country could have
triggered this policy?

Former kingdoms of the country were established in the valleys
within the confinement of tall mountains and thus isolated from
neighboring countries. Harbors on the shoreline experienced no
growth, adding more to the impression that the Burmese are really
a hinterland people who find it hard to communicate with
foreigners. They are not a coastal people, who are used to
trading and who know the meaning of loss and profit.

Second, the original name of the country, Burma, denoted an
ethnic tribe of the country. There are many more ethnic tribes,
some of which joined in the fold of the rebels. Unity and
unification is still an unsolved matter. To this day, thousands
of armed rebel splinter groups roam the country. Not to mention
the "opium kings" who are keeping their own bands of "fortune
soldiers".

Everybody believes that democracy is important in a state.
However, to be quite honest in such a situation - like Indonesia
in the mid 1960s, for instance - what should be given greater
priority, political stability or democracy?

Dr. Asvi Warman Adam is a researcher at the Regional Political
Research and Development Center of the National Institute of
Sciences.

Window: ASEAN does not like to see Myanmar fall in the clutches
of China. It is known that, of late, China has been regarded as a
potential threat to ASEAN.