Power and money drive Aceh military solution

Power and money drive Aceh military solution

Lesley McCulloch, Lecturer, Asian Studies, University of Tasmania,
Australia

"I am Acehnese. I have seen all Aceh's territory. I have met
with Aceh's religious leaders, and many of the population too. It
is the request of the civilian population that a new military
command (Kodam) be established in Aceh."

These are the words of Brig. Gen. M. Djali Yusuf, commander of
the military operation in Aceh in an interview with this author
on Jan. 11 -- just one day after the announcement from Jakarta
that Aceh is to receive its own military command (Kodam).

For the past 30 years the Atjeh Sumatra National Liberation
Front (ASNLF) has been fighting for independence. The struggle
is not based on religion, nor is it motivated by a desire to
impose syariah law in Aceh as so many recent media reports imply.

Rather, the ASNLF enjoy significant support in Aceh for two
reasons. The first is the belief that there has been a
systematic plundering of the province's riches by the Jakarta
government, the local pro-Jakarta elite and the military and
police stationed there.

And perhaps more significantly, in recent years the human
rights abuses perpetrated by the security forces (who have yet to
be brought to trial for these crimes) has fostered a sense of
fear, distrust -- even hatred -- towards the government in
Jakarta and the military and police.

From 1989 to 1998 Aceh was designated a special military
operations area (DOM). During this period thousands of people
were killed, tortured and raped by the security forces, many more
simply disappeared. The climate of intimidation which is the
legacy of DOM has driven many of the civilian population to
support the push for independence. Indeed, the killings,
disappearances, rapes and torture are not confined to the DOM
era, they continue even today.

When President Megawati Soekarnoputri came to power in August
2001, many had high hopes that her government might be able to
produce a peaceful end to the bloodshed in Aceh. In fact,
Megawati has declared the unity of the Republic as one of her top
priorities. To this end she has been persuaded by the military
that a security approach is the only way to ensure there is no
further disintegration of the Republic.

Megawati continues to voice her support for a peaceful end to
the dispute in Aceh. But the process of dialog remains stalled
with informal talks in February likely to achieve very little.
The Indonesian government refuses to allow an international third
party to mediate the dispute.

Aceh's own Iskandar Muda Military Command was dissolved in
1985. Since then there have been several attempts to revive it.
It is true, as Gen. Yusuf said, that a delegation from Aceh's
civilian local government did indeed request the re-establishment
of the new Kodam. Governor Abdullah Puteh traveled to Jakarta
with his deputy and three members of the legislative assembly to
request the new Kodam. But the idea has received widespread
condemnation from local civil society groups and activists.

Arie Maulana of the Aceh office of the Indonesian Legal Aid
Institute (LBH) said, "so far this year has been more brutal than
last." The total number of civilian deaths so far is around 80,
with 49 people arrested and an unconfirmed number kidnapped.
Arie says "the new Kodam is merely another strategy by the
Indonesian government to repress the people. It will mean a
return to the DOM era."

Gen. Yusuf counters this by saying that such criticism is
fueled by the propaganda campaign of the ASNLF, and is not based
on reality. He says "under the new Kodam there will not be, as
some have suggested, an increase in the number of troops
stationed in Aceh from elsewhere. We would prefer to recruit
Acehnese to serve under the new Kodam. This should lead to better
relations between the security forces and the local population.
But, if the situation remains non-conducive then we will of
course continue to use non-organic [those drafted in from Java]
to solve the problem."

Throughout the interview Gen. Yusuf emphasizes his
Acehneseness and his desire to "serve" his people. But the
General does not shy away from the continued pursuit of a
military solution; "if the people use guns against the
government, so we must reply with guns."

Several aspects of my conversation with Gen. Yusuf left me
feeling rather unconvinced that the new Kodam will be good news
for Aceh. First, his unwavering support for the military solution
which, according to LBH, saw on average seven people die in Aceh
every day last year. "This year already the average is 10," says
Arie. Yusuf suggested that in three years the situation in Aceh
will be resolved, and in less than one year the armed separatist
movement will be all but eliminated. The intensifying military
operation of the last few months is already responsible for the
increase in civilian deaths.

The second problem in the General's approach is his
unequivocal denial that the military is responsible for the
continuing violations of human rights. On this issue, Yusuf
replied simply "I have conducted my own investigation and there
is no proof that the military is involved in operating outside
procedures. We have learned that the military belongs to the
people. I have issued strict orders that all operations must
follow procedure."

The third (and related) problem is Yusuf's insistence that the
military is not involved in extortion in the province. Yet there
are numerous examples of their involvement in various money-
making activities. Probably the most visible are the illegal
"fees" charged at most of the numerous checkpoints along the main
roads. The police are also involved in such extortion, but to
deny the military's involvement is to ignore fact. Anyone who
travels in Aceh can witness Gen. Yusuf's troops receive such
fees.

Spokesperson for the ASNLF's central bureau of information,
Ibnu Isnander said "the new Kodam is the military's way of
establishing a permanent military operation here in Aceh. The
armed struggle for independence is well prepared to fight
combatant to combatant. But we urge the military to respect the
lives of the civilian population who have already suffered so
much. The ASNLF would prefer to solve this problem through
dialogue, but it appears that the government has committed itself
to a military approach. The new Kodam will surely only mean
further suffering for those non-combatants."

Apart from the limited circles of the Acehnese political and
religious elite, there seems to be little support for the new
Kodam. Most are convinced that what commitment there was to
dialog on the part of the government will all but vanish with the
establishment of the military command.

Certainly, I left the interview with Gen. Yusuf with a sense
that he is convinced of the need for a security solution, is
unwilling to deal with continued actions of impunity by the TNI
because he believes Aceh should "move on"; will not tackle the
issue of military extortion as he says this is relegated to
history; and has thrown his full support behind the new Kodam. As
he said "yes, I would like to be the commander of the new Kodam.
It is my very great wish."

I am convinced of only one thing. In Aceh three commodities
are driving the pursuit of the military solution: Power, money
and politics. The calls of the Acehnese for justice for past
abuses has been lost in the scrabble for these commodities by the
military and civilian elite in both Aceh and Jakarta.

The recent death of ASNLF military commander in Aceh Abdullah
Syafi'ie has, according to Isnander, saddened the ASNLF members,
but has not depressed them. He says, "The death of our military
leader has not affected morale or our operational capabilities."
Certainly, many people here in Aceh have secretly expressed
sadness at Syafi'ie's death, which appears to have strengthened
support for the independence movement.