Politicians face statesmanship litmus test

Politicians face statesmanship litmus test

With the elections behind us, the jockeying for the
presidential election is on. Political analyst J. Soedjati
Djiwandono looks at the issue.

JAKARTA (JP): President B.J. Habibie has acknowledged the
final results of the elections clearly showed the mandate of the
people for Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic
Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) was greater than for himself.
But for him the game is not over. He seems willing to go to the
stake over his right to stay in the presidential race.

Indeed, it is for the first time, ever, that the Indonesian
people are presented with more than one candidate for president.
From the moment the final results of the general election were
officially announced, however, it was definitely clear to
everyone which candidate had won the largest number of votes.

Constitutionally, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) can
elect anybody but Megawati as president. But would it be
politically correct for the MPR to ignore the largest number of
votes that were cast by the people? Indeed, one might well argue
that the majority of the valid vote did not support Megawati for
president, so the MPR is not legally bound to elect her
president. One cannot possibly argue, however, that as president,
Megawati would not have the mandate of the majority of the
people. In fact, even in an advanced democracy like the USA,
neither does an American president in view of the consistently
small turnout at presidential elections.

I would argue, for one, that the rest of the votes -- the
majority vote -- was cast by the people not in support of just
one candidate other than Megawati, but to be enjoyed by other
presidential candidates nominated by their respective parties.
Those votes constitute less than two thirds of the total number
of the (valid) vote, the rest having been won by Megawati.

That means that none of the other presidential candidates --
half a dozen or so in number prior to the elections -- were
likely to win a larger number of votes than Megawati. Thus in the
absence of a direct election for president, and in the absence of
a second ballot or preferential voting mechanism for an election
with more than two candidates, the MPR is politically and morally
bound to elect, virtually to "confirm," Megawati as president.

The nomination of presidential candidates prior to the
elections was a precedent in Indonesian democratic
experimentation. Yet it was not unconstitutional. And that is
precisely the way democracy often develops and a constitution is
tested. That is also one way political conventions develop.

Indeed, if the precedent should be a forerunner of an
Indonesian pattern of a presidential election in the future, a
question may be raised on the continued justification of the
MPR's existence and its functions. I have discussed this in a
previous column.

There are other considerations of no less significance in
political and psychological terms for the case of confirming
Megawati as president. Above all, the country has been in a deep
crisis, the worst since independence. This year's elections would
not have been held but for the severe crisis, especially a crisis
of a multidimensional nature.

I am not suggesting that I see Megawati as deus ex machina for
all the ills of our society that have resulted from decades of
mismanagement and bad governance by a corrupt dictatorial
government. Reform will perhaps be a matter of process which will
cover generations. But she will at least be the right beginning.

As I have said earlier in this column, for the people at
large, a change of government would be seen not only as the
single most important symbol of change, but also as the most
visible manifestation of change. And change is what the people
want. Megawati as president will be the right answer.

By contrast, in no way would Habibie be seen as a symbol of
change, let alone of reform. In no way would he be able to
disassociate himself from the Soeharto New Order regime with its
practices of blatant manipulation, corruption, collusion,
nepotism and cronyism. He is one of the longest serving ministers
in Soeharto's successive Cabinets. In no way would he be able to
avoid the image of his government as a mere extension of the New
Order regime, made worse by his inapt policies on security
matters and human rights violations affecting Aceh, East Timor
and other parts of the country, not to mention the legal case
against Soeharto and the financial scandals.

If the election of Megawati as president should be the most
feasible and most peaceful alternative in the people's best
interest, then the rest of the presidential aspirants, including
particularly the incumbent President, should voluntarily withdraw
their candidacy. As for the members of the new MPR, I hope they
will carefully listen to their conscience and engage themselves
in some serious soul searching. I refuse to believe that anyone
in his or her right mind would seriously and honestly defend the
status quo as a matter of principle.

The ultimate question is, however, whether these politicians
really have the interest of the nation deep in their hearts. It
would be the litmus test to their statesmanship, and above all,
their patriotism.