Political trends in the recent election campaign

Political trends in the recent election campaign

By Arief Budiman

SALATIGA, Central Java (JP): At least two important trends
emerged during the recent election campaign that may color the
future political life of this country. The first is the
polarization between the state and Islam, the second is the
possible coalition of democratic forces.

In the 1992 election, similar to the recent election, three
political parties competed against each other -- the dominant
Golkar, the Moslem-oriented United Development Party (PPP) and
the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), supported mainly by the
followers of the former founding president Sukarno.

Although PPP and PDI were not affiliated to the government,
they were not able to work together because of different
ideologies. Officially PPP was not an Islamic party, but in
reality it was exclusively the party of the devoted Moslems. In
practice, it was difficult for a non-Moslem to join this party.
PDI was based on nationalism, although the majority of its
members were Moslems, and solidarity to the Marhaen people, a
term used by Sukarno to refer to the Indonesian proletariat. Like
Golkar, PDI had a substantial number of members who were non-
Moslems.

During the 1992 election campaign, the PDI was in the vanguard
in confronting the government. Supporters coined the term metal,
short for merah total or totally red (their party color) as
Jakarta streets basked in a sea of red jackets. PDI also
campaigned to limit the president's tenure to two terms. PDI was
then the most radical party.

The campaign was considered a battle of Sukarnoism versus the
New Order government that had toppled the late president Sukarno.
So, when government officials kept saying we had to make the
election successful, it meant that the New Order government had
to be continued, keeping the Sukarno forces at bay.

The PPP emerged as a peaceful party. Compared to PDI, PPP was
less visible. It criticized the government, but softly. It was
not surprising that the then leader of PPP, Ismail Hassan
Metareum, with the support of the government, was reelected as
chairperson of the party against the other more independent
candidate Matori Abdul Djalil and the radical candidate Sri
Bintang Pamungkas. Pamungkas is now in jail for his strong stance
against the government.

In 1996, Megawati Soekarnoputri was ousted as PDI chairwoman.
The government-supported PDI was led by Surjadi. But during the
1997 election campaign, Surjadi's PDI appeared lifeless and he
could hardly manage to wage a campaign. The fading strength of
PDI supporters put PPP in the front line confronting Golkar and
the government. So, conflict between Golkar and PPP members, or
even with the government's security forces, could not be avoided.
This conflict spread out in many cities and small towns, and was
sometimes bloody. As a result, slowly but surely there emerged an
impression that the present government was repressing Islam and
was therefore an anti-Moslem government.

The brutal conflict between PPP and Golkar members, followed
by the destruction of office and shop buildings, churches and
temples, politically benefited Golkar and the government. A
Christian friend of mine once said that he would surely vote for
Golkar because he felt the present government has proven that
they were able to protect the minorities. I believe that his view
is also shared by many businesspeople, especially those of
Chinese descent.

But the image among the Moslem community that the present
government is repressing Islam, has created another dynamic
struggle within Indonesian political life. Many Moslem leaders
who joined Golkar, or are close to the government, have been
considered "traitors" to their religion.

This has been the fate of well-known preacher Zainuddin MZ,
and dangdut singer Rhoma Irama. The son of Zainuddin felt
compelled to tell the media that his father was still supporting
PPP, to improve his credibility. Even NU leader KH Abdurachman
Wahid, better known as Gus Dur, made a cynical comment when he
publicly demonstrated his closeness to Mbak Tutut, a Golkar
leader who is also the daughter of Soeharto. Gus Dur criticized
Megawati's stance as a non-voter (known locally as Golput) in
the election.

This has led to the polarization of Islam and the government.
In the 1992 election, the three groups -- yellow (Golkar), red
(PDI) and green (PPP) -- confronted each other. Now there is only
green confronting yellow. There is a strong possibility that the
political discourse in the near future will change into a
discourse of the Islamic forces versus the (non-Islamic)
government. I think people will agree that this is not healthy
discourse for the future development of this nation.

The other impact of the ousting of Megawati and the "death" of
a united PDI is the unexpected coalition between PPP and Megawati
supporters. It started in Surakarta when the local leader of PPP,
Murdrick Sangidu, courageously fought back against the government
action to paint public places and traffic signs yellow in Central
Java. This action gained a lot of sympathy among Megawati's
followers who had been the victims of the government's
authoritarian policy.

During the campaign, under the banner of Mega-Bintang, these
two groups worked hand-in-hand against Golkar and the government.
This spontaneous coalition melted the ideological, and also the
religious boundaries between the two parties. A Christian friend
of mine in Surakarta went to the branch headquarters of PPP and
said: "I am a Christian, and I want to join the PPP." The answer
he got was: "You are very welcome!"

This is something new and interesting in the development of
Indonesian politics. A coalition of the non-government parties
has been born. But this coalition has existed only at the bottom
level. The elite of both parties are quite reluctant to endorse
it, because they may feel repercussions from the government that
has spent a lot of time and energy in ousting Megawati as PDI
chairwoman.

On the other hand, Megawati is still not sure what she is
getting from this Mega-Bintang alliance. There is a big
possibility that after the followers of Megawati gave their votes
to PPP, and the party then gained more seats in parliament, the
PPP leaders would do "business as usual". This is the reason why
Megawati did not endorse the Mega-Bintang project in her last
statement. She endorsed Golput instead.

So, even though a coalition between the non-government parties
has appeared on the horizon, it remains to be seen whether this
coalition will strengthen in the future and will become a
democratic force that empowers the existing civil society.

At the moment, everything seems to be in the process of
formation, and many political groups are looking for the right
combination before they become synergic forces in the process of
democratization.

On the one hand, Indonesian minorities are looking for
protection from Golkar while on the other hand, the government is
now confronting Islam as an alternative power. At the same time,
the non-government parties are working together to create a
common forum to enhance the power of the civil society. This can
be learned from the previous election campaign, but where these
trends lead this country to something yet to be seen.

The writer is a sociologist and researcher based in Salatiga.