Political dumbing-down

Making backroom deals, it seems, has become the preferred method of resolving political differences in Indonesia. And President Megawati Soekarnoputri, nearly one year into her presidency, has become so adept at this game that she felt comfortable enough to publicly tout some of her latest deals.

In the run-up to next month's Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), Megawati has in the past week secured agreements from other political leaders through behind- the-scene negotiations that will ensure a smooth gathering.

As chairwoman of the largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), Megawati struck deals with her counterparts from Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP), respectively the second and fourth largest parties, that guarantee that there will be no deadlocks in the debate on constitutional amendment, one of the main agendas at the MPR.

Since there will be no deadlocks, disagreements over the proposal for the fourth constitutional amendment will be resolved without having to resort to a vote, so she reasoned.

When three of the four largest political parties in MPR have come to this kind of understanding, we can almost be sure that the MPR session will proceed without too much controversy.

Some people, including Megawati, would consider this development as significant progress. There had been fears that the MPR meeting would end in a deadlock because the factions were still oceans apart on many items in the amendment proposal.

Their differences not only threaten MPR proceedings, but also subsequent major events in the national political agenda, including the 2004 elections, which hinge to a large extent on the conclusion of the constitutional amendment debate.

But this political expediency has come at the expense of transparency in the nation's political decision-making process. This process has in turn led to unhealthy speculation about the concessions made behind the public's back.

What has Megawati secured from Golkar in return for her PDI Perjuangan dropping its demand that the second round of a presidential election be conducted by the MPR, and not by the people? What has she given up in return for the cooperation of Vice President Hamzah Haz and his PPP? What has Golkar's Akbar Tandjung, who is a suspect in an ongoing corruption case, gained out of this process? Whatever concessions were made by these leaders, the public have been excluded from the process.

Anyone looking for reasons why political conspiracy theories abound in this country need only look at the way major decisions are made in this country which mostly preclude the people. This process has also nurtured cattle-trading (the Indonesian equivalent of horse-trading) practices in this country.

But should a matter as crucial as constitutional amendment be subjected to the same process of cattle-trading? That is exactly what Megawati and all the other political leaders are doing by cutting deals behind the people's back.

What they are doing totally runs counter to the spirit of reformasi that calls for greater transparency and public participation in the political decision-making process. They are bucking the trend toward greater political openness that was started with the launching of the reform movement in 1998.

In a democracy as diverse as Indonesia, deadlocks as a consequence of differences in political opinion should be the norm rather than the exception. And voting is one of the ways of resolving differences in a democratic and transparent manner. While this may not be the preferred method, it is still preferable to Megawati's backroom dealings.

The aversion political leaders have shown toward voting in resolving conflicts to a large extent reflects their own autocratic traits. They cannot accept or tolerate differences of opinion, and cannot resolve them out in the open. They feel more comfortable resolving these problems behind the scenes.

Rather than helping Indonesia reach the political maturity it needs to make democracy function, present-day leaders are encouraging a dumbing-down process through their backroom dealings and cattle-trading practices.

The 1998 reformasi movement put Indonesia at the start of what was then seen as a long learning curve toward democracy. What little progress the nation has made since then however is now in danger of being squandered, because our political leaders are now taking us in the opposite direction.

When it comes to practicing democracy, this nation, particularly our political leaders, appears to be becoming dumb and dumber.