PNG Defense Force shoots itself in the foot

By Ratih Hardjono

PORT MORESBY (JP): There was something weird about the way the lawyer for the former commander-in-chief of the Papua New Guinea Defense Force (PNGDF), Brig. Gen. Jerry Singirok, accused Tim Spicer, commander of the Sandlines mercenaries, of being inhumane because he is a professional soldier who uses heavy military equipment. This happened on the second day of the Sandlines Commission, which is being conducted at the present time.

Spicer, commander of the Sandlines contract organization, which consists of members from Executive Outcomes and whose headquarters is in Pretoria, South Africa, was once a commissioned officer with the Scots Guard in England. His discipline as a soldier was unquestionable. When he lost interest in his work in the Guard, he retired, but did not attempt a coup d'etat. Singirok is still a member of that force. Spicer and Singirok, as soldiers, are equally professional, but Singirok's lawyer, Peter Donigi, is certainly not.

After listening to Donigi question Spicer about the ammunition that would not have been used in the Bougainville operation, those present in the PNG High Court could only feel confused. What connection could there be between ammunition that was not going to be used in Bougainville and the contract that had been signed by the PNG government and Sandlines? Would it not be better to ask what ammunition was actually going to be used?

From all the written documents submitted as evidence to the Commission by Spicer, former prime minister Julius Chan, former finance minister Chris Halveta and former defense minister Mathias Ijape, it appears that Singirok participated in the negotiations with Sandlines from the very beginning. In fact, Spicer and the financial director of Sandlines met with Chan only once, but Singirok knew all about the other detailed, comprehensive discussions concerning tasks, roles and the methods of operation to be used. Before that, Spicer had made a proposal consisting of several options. Singirok was directly involved in the decision about the final choice.

It was even more puzzling to learn that persons from the PNGDF kidnapped and held Spicer illegally for six days, from March 16, on the charge of carrying arms into PNG without a permit. The contract signed by the PNG government and Sandlines stated clearly that Sandlines did not require a permit to bring military equipment into PNG. Even more startling was the fact that the "End-User Certificate", or the certificate of good faith, required for the purchase of hardware in the international market place (in this case Eastern Europe), had been signed by Singirok himself. Singirok had even provided a number of blank certificates for Spicer to use if he felt it necessary to do so.

Listening to the exchange of questions and answers about the Sandlines case in the PNG High Court is like watching an unfolding drama full of suspense, for the spectators are never able to guess what the next scene will be. As one foreign diplomat said, "This is the Melanesian way."

For weeks PNG has been waiting for an answer about what really happened between Chan, Halveta, Ijape, Singirok and Spicer. One thing that is clear is that negotiations were held in great secrecy and that the real essence of the discussions that took place is known only to a few people. But Port Moresby is a small town that lives off of gossip and rumors, which ultimately always contains some truth, even though it may be only a very small amount.

Although the Commission has only heard Spicer's evidence at present, it is obvious that Singirok has changed his mind midstream and is doing a U-turn. The most important question, which has not been answered yet, is why. The answer to this question will explain the collapse of the Chan government and also the destruction of Chan's political career, which has lasted for 28 years. It will also explain who and what Singirok really is.

There are a number of theories circulating in Port Moresby about why Singirok has made a U-turn. The first theory is that he is afraid of losing his position as leader of the Defense Force. This fear is supported by evidence that, during the Chan government and the government before him, prime ministers were in the habit of dismissing public servants and members of various bodies as they pleased. Chan has long been known as a person who is extremely aggressive towards those who do not share his opinion. In cases where this happened, the person concerned was dismissed the same day. A source from Chan's office, who himself witnessed Chan giving Singirok orders about Sandlines, said that it was obvious that Singirok did not agree about seeking a military solution in Bougainville. But this does not explain why Singirok agreed last year to undertake the High Speed II military operation on Bougainville Island.

The second theory is that Singirok feels that he is a rival with Spicer, Sandlines' commander. We are all human and this possibility can be understood if we look at the backgrounds of the two men. Inevitably Singirok's self-esteem must have been damaged when Chan accepted Spicer's services. For eight years the PNGDF had tried without success to defeat the BRA rebels in Bougainville. Now the PNGDF would be acting like mere security guards and not like an army defending Papua New Guinea. Spicer arrived with his 20 years of experience in the Scots Guard, one of England's most elite army units. In addition, Spicer had not only great self-confidence as far as his profession was concerned, but he also had the ability to express his thoughts fluently and clearly. Singirok did not have these qualities.

The third theory suggests that Singirok encountered God at night. This idea is connected with the "Brukim Skrew" group, whose members state that they are a religious body and come together only to pray. Singirok is a member of this group, as are John Momis, a member of parliament from Bougainville Island, and former prime minister Michael Somare. Momis was a major player in the early stages of peace negotiations in Bougainville, and many people accuse him of having had a part in the chaos that now exists on the island, while Somare is rumored to be striving to regain his former position in the next elections. There is also gossip that Somare backed Singirok in last week's coup d'etat, but there is no evidence to support this suggestion. One fact that is very clear, however, is that Somare and Chan have been bitter political rivals for the past 20 years.

The fourth theory is that Singirok is angry because he did not obtain the hardware that he wanted. This point was made by Spicer to the Commission, which is still deliberating. He asserted that just one day before the signing of the contract, Singirok suddenly asked for two transport helicopters that are, at present, being paid for by the PNGDF. Spicer explained that this was impossible because he had not yet seen the helicopters and therefore could not decide on their condition. Apart from that, Spicer also explained that the helicopters were not suitable for the geographical conditions of Bougainville Island. According to Spicer, Singirok said that he accepted Spicer's explanation about the helicopters.

Finally, the real issue is not whether employment of mercenaries is right or wrong, for it seems that the Chan government had no moral problems with this concept, but rather why, after signing the contract with Sandlines, did the PNGDF arrest Spicer, the director of the company that they had employed to strengthen the capabilities of its Defense Force, which is now very much in need of training and discipline.

Ratih Hardjono is a correspondent of Kompas daily based in Sydney.