PDI-P prevents polarization between Muslims and non-Muslims
In the wake of the congress of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) scheduled later this month many wonder whether it can continue being a party dependent on a charismatic leader. The Jakarta Post contributor in Melbourne Dewi Anggraeni talked to sociologist Arief Budiman, who chairs the Indonesian Program at the University of Melbourne. An excerpt of the interview follows:
Question: How do you see PDI Perjuangan in the current political landscape?
Answer: The party is very important, because in this coalition government, PDI Perjuangan represents non-Muslim and secular constituents. If the government were dominated by (President) Abdurrahman Wahid and the National Awakening Party (PKB, founded by Abdurrahman), I am afraid there would be a sharp polarization between Muslims and non-Muslims.
PDI Perjuangan, representing the nationalist-secular faction, prevents this polarization. This way, while this government represents Muslims, it is also supported by non-Muslims. So any debate within the government can be better accommodated.
I know there are Muslims in the party, but if we use (American anthropologist) Clifford Geertz' terminology, they are mostly abangan Muslims.
Q: Do you think Megawati Soekarnoputri deserves to be reelected as leader?
A: In reality, Megawati is the unifying force of the party. However, to become a really professional party, PDI Perjuangan should free itself from that dependency. So far, the party has always been associated with Sukarno, and while this continues it will never become a matured party.
Many people, including myself, are hoping that while Megawati may remain the figurehead, the party will develop and become more professional. The dependency is very primordial.
Q: By freeing themselves from that dependency, would they not be embarking on a risky experiment? There is always a possibility that the party might go adrift. Do you think the time has come to take this risk?
A: There may need to be a transition period, with Megawati the moral protector, the supreme advisor, or something equivalent. So, if conflicts arise, she can come in to lend her influence. That way the dependency is specific. As for the leader, it would be better to have someone who has nothing to do with (first president) Bung Karno.
Q: Would Eros Djarot, an advisor to Megawati and self-claimed candidate for party chief, qualify
A: Eros has potential, but to a certain extent he is an unknown entity. He is a little unruly, yet has charisma. When I was in Jakarta recently I noticed that people had been considering him as heir apparent. Yes, he is definitely a candidate. In fact, he is more charismatic than (ministers) Laksamana Sukardi and Kwik Kian Gie, for instance. And he is relatively young, compared to say (senior party executives), Mochtar Buchori or Sabam Sirait.
Q: Are the other Sukarno children completely out of the equation?
A: The other children do not put themselves forward as political leaders. We know that the children have made a pact that they would not involve themselves in politics, in order to be identified with Indonesia as a whole. Megawati broke that pact by joining PDI. It caused quite a stir, as they originally aspired to be removed from politics. But I don't think they were being realistic.
Q: What do you see as Megawati's weaknesses?
A: She does not come across as a political person. She was dragged into party politics, instead of voluntarily coming into it. Her childhood and youth were spent in a domestic atmosphere, with hardly any political involvement, not even in her student years.
She never displayed any interest in politics. She became a member of parliament because of her name, and has hardly contributed anything politically significant. In other words, she has been an effective vote getter and very little else.
Q: So where does her usefulness lie?
A: Although she seems to be not interested in politics, she has a definite role and function in that arena. And curiously, she is the only one of the Sukarno children who broke the pact with her siblings and became involved in politics.
The more political among the children is actually Rahmawati, who chairs the Sukarno Education Foundation, a foundation which established the myth of Bung Karno. However Rahmawati is determined not to enter party politics.
Q: There are rumors of Megawati being linked with nepotism, in relation to her businessman husband Taufik Kiemas.
A: Yes, these are serious allegations. People say that many businessmen make use of their relationships with Taufik.
While Megawati is free from shady dealings, it seems that Taufik takes advantage of Megawati's position. So really, Megawati is neither corrupt nor politically bright. Journalists who have interviewed her have said that when Megawati feels out of her depth facing political questions, she gives very general, even vague answers.
Q: What are Eros' strengths and weaknesses?
A: He has plenty of ideas, and he is courageous and daring. But he comes across as uncontrollable. Maybe he has an artist's temperament; he can be unpredictable. However, we have not seen his performance as leader.
He may yet show true leadership. Look at Gus Dur. He has been no less unpredictable, and he is leading the country! Come to think of it, Eros would have more self-discipline than Gus Dur.
He may become a more organized leader and manager than Gus Dur, and like Gus Dur, he has a great sense of humor. PDI Perjuangan has so many problems, internal and external, leading it will not be easy.
Q: We have seen the dynamics between Gus Dur and Megawati. They seem to work. Supposing Eros becomes the party leader and subsequently Vice-President, would the dynamics change for the worse, the better, or remain the same?
A: There would be potential for conflict. Megawati accepts being in Gus Dur's shadow. Anyone else, Eros included, might be reticent. He or she may have clever ideas and think them worth implementing. There is the possibility that Gus Dur might welcome this and feel relieved and grateful for the assistance, or he might feel resentful if he does not agree with this person.
Gus Dur is very headstrong, as we all know. He will exchange ideas only with those whom he trusts. If a new second-in-command were outside his circle of confidence, there might well be tension.
Q: So you don't believe it is worth trying?
A: Yes, I believe it is. At present all intellectual input comes from Gus Dur's appointed officials, such as Marsillam Simandjuntak and Bondan Gunawan, not from his Vice-president.
Q: So the Vice-president has been disenfranchised of her full VP power?
A: Yes. You see, when the VP was assigned to Ambon for instance, if it had been someone else more politically skilled, he or she could have achieved a lot more. As it is, Gus Dur alone is the doer.
Megawati's biggest contribution is the mass of support she brought in from PDI Perjuangan.
Q: Who else apart from Eros, are potential candidates?
A: I guess people like Sabam Sirait, and other old party officials.
Q: Since the new coalition government came into power, has the party become stronger or weaker?
A: I think it has become stronger. Previously it was outside the circle of power, now it holds a key position, in economics and industry, as represented by Kwik Kian Gie. So being in the coalition has lifted its image, conveying the message that it is not a mere street party, but a party that can give substantial input into the technocracy. It has gained a lot of respect.
Q: Are there any attempts by Muslim interests to weaken the power of PDI Perjuangan?
A: There are indications that some Muslim interests want to dominate power in the government. They find Gus Dur less than obliging and inclined to ignore their prompting. So they do not want to see the non-Muslim interests become too powerful.
They feel they can manage Golkar, but they see PDI Perjuangan as a problem, because it has its own support, sufficiently dedicated, sufficiently united under Megawati.
So understandably the biggest stumbling block for these Muslim interests is indeed Megawati, and her party. Without PDI Perjuangan they might find it easier to work together with Gus Dur and his support from Nahdlatul Ulama (Muslim organization), though they might find Gus Dur particularly unwieldy on certain issues.
As we know, Gus Dur does not want Islam to be the dominant political force in Indonesia.
Q: Are the Muslim activists who aspire for political domination very strong?
A: While Gus Dur is in power, they are not. The problem is, not all NU members agree with Gus Dur either. Some would like to be part of the Muslim activists. To them Gus Dur is a hindrance. In the meantime Gus Dur is training some young cadres around him. So I am not convinced that without Gus Dur, NU would remain the way it is now.
It is likely that without Gus Dur NU would move closer towards the Muslim interests aspiring to dominate Indonesian politics. You see, Gus Dur and PDI Perjuangan combined, are the major stumbling block for them.
Many kiyais (religious leaders) who do not fully agree with Gus Dur are nonetheless compliant with him, because Gus Dur's personality towers over them.
He has an impressive stature domestically and internationally. He can work together with PDI Perjuangan and minority groups in Indonesia. Now he has secured support from other countries.
Q: Presuming Megawati and Eros are the likely candidates, do you think Eros has the unifying potential that Megawati has?
A: Clearly not. However Eros has enough charisma and the potential to be a good leader. He is not an elitist type of leader either. He is familiar with the underworld. This is part of his strength. He is hands-on and down-to-earth. While Megawati's strength is her status as Bung Karno's daughter.
Q: Supposing the PDI Perjuangan congress is a disaster and the party goes adrift, what will happen to the political landscape?
A: Gus Dur would have a headache. He would have to contain the pressures that will certainly come from the Muslim interests, even from inside NU. He would be very determined, because he is not a man to crumble under pressure. However, this would make him increasingly isolated and vulnerable to attacks from hardline Muslim activists.
Q: So it is in Gus Dur's interest to maintain the integrity of PDI Perjuangan.
A: Let us say that there is a need for Gus Dur to maintain good cooperation with PDI Perjuangan in order to contain pressures coming from the hardline Muslim activists.
Q: Do you think he is aware of this need?
A: Well, he is a very intuitive person. I am sure he is aware.