PDI future lies in battle of wills

The Indonesian Democratic Party, an amalgam of Christian and nationalist elements, now has two leaders. Political scientist Ramlan Surbakti argues that developments in the days to come will help shape the fate of the party.

SURABAYA (JP): The government-backed congress of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in Medan recently went so smoothly it seemed to beat the 1993 ruling Golkar conference.

Now, after this congress, there are two versions of the party, one led by democratically elected leader Megawati Soekarnoputri and the other by Soerjadi. Which of the two is the legitimate leader rather depends on how you look at it.

The Megawati-led executive board sees itself not only as the legitimate leadership by virtue of the party's constitution, but also due to its support from the majority of the party's chapters and sympathizers, including pro-democracy groups.

The new executive board under Soerjadi considers itself legal after the recent congress and the supposed support it enjoyed from the majority of the party's chapters and branches.

The difference is that Megawati's leadership has lost the government's recognition, which is now enjoyed by Soerjadi.

Reconciliation between the two camps seems unlikely for two reasons. First, reconciliation could take place only through the government acting as a mediator. But the government can hardly assume this role -- it created the two parties itself.

Second, Megawati's executive board will shortly be suing the government for supporting the recent congress both here and in the international court, and it will shortly hold chapter and branch conferences to determine the party's list of legislative candidates for the 1997 general elections.

The Armed Forces and the Home Ministry meanwhile are obviously ready to safeguard the results of the Medan congress by all possible means.

What happens next will depend on the government's attitude and the perseverance of the Megawati-led executive board as it is now at odds not only with Soerjadi but also with the power of the state.

Without persistence and endurance, the symbolic resistance of Megawati can only survive for a short time.

What will happen to the party? The whole episode is testimony to the gloomy side of the life of a political party in Indonesia. With 15 million supporters it is so frail it is thrown off course completely when 16 executive board members and two from each party chapter are "asked" to provide for accommodation, transport and security for a congress.

The fragility is also reflected by the fact that a number of PDI figures cracked under the pressure, and gave in to persuasion, promises of bureaucrat postings, and the lure of money.

The official mutterings are that they "must assume a more realistic attitude toward power," they, "must safeguard the party and its members from radicalism," they, "do so for the sake of stability and development," etc..

How difficult it is to find a statesman in the prevailing political landscape, and how easy it is to find unprincipled politicians who only seek personal gain.

On the other hand, if popular support for Megawati continues unabated and the supporters adopt a non-violent strategy there will be a new development in the form of a people power party requiring no government recognition.

Supposedly, if Megawati succeeded in holding the planned chapter and branch conferences there would be a Megawati-led party and a Soerjadi-led party. It is certain that the government will only recognize Soerjadi's party.

On the other hand, the people's party will not be idle and hence it is possible that the 1997 general election will be flawed, its credibility and legitimacy put into question.

Should this happen, there may be more people refusing to exercise their right to vote.

The writer is a lecturer in political science in post-graduate studies at Airlangga University.