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PDI future lies in battle of wills

| Source: JP

PDI future lies in battle of wills

The Indonesian Democratic Party, an amalgam of Christian and
nationalist elements, now has two leaders. Political scientist
Ramlan Surbakti argues that developments in the days to come will
help shape the fate of the party.

SURABAYA (JP): The government-backed congress of the
Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in Medan recently went so
smoothly it seemed to beat the 1993 ruling Golkar conference.

Now, after this congress, there are two versions of the party,
one led by democratically elected leader Megawati Soekarnoputri
and the other by Soerjadi. Which of the two is the legitimate
leader rather depends on how you look at it.

The Megawati-led executive board sees itself not only as the
legitimate leadership by virtue of the party's constitution, but
also due to its support from the majority of the party's chapters
and sympathizers, including pro-democracy groups.

The new executive board under Soerjadi considers itself legal
after the recent congress and the supposed support it enjoyed
from the majority of the party's chapters and branches.

The difference is that Megawati's leadership has lost the
government's recognition, which is now enjoyed by Soerjadi.

Reconciliation between the two camps seems unlikely for two
reasons. First, reconciliation could take place only through the
government acting as a mediator. But the government can hardly
assume this role -- it created the two parties itself.

Second, Megawati's executive board will shortly be suing the
government for supporting the recent congress both here and in
the international court, and it will shortly hold chapter and
branch conferences to determine the party's list of legislative
candidates for the 1997 general elections.

The Armed Forces and the Home Ministry meanwhile are obviously
ready to safeguard the results of the Medan congress by all
possible means.

What happens next will depend on the government's attitude and
the perseverance of the Megawati-led executive board as it is now
at odds not only with Soerjadi but also with the power of the
state.

Without persistence and endurance, the symbolic resistance of
Megawati can only survive for a short time.

What will happen to the party? The whole episode is testimony
to the gloomy side of the life of a political party in Indonesia.
With 15 million supporters it is so frail it is thrown off course
completely when 16 executive board members and two from each
party chapter are "asked" to provide for accommodation, transport
and security for a congress.

The fragility is also reflected by the fact that a number of
PDI figures cracked under the pressure, and gave in to
persuasion, promises of bureaucrat postings, and the lure of
money.

The official mutterings are that they "must assume a more
realistic attitude toward power," they, "must safeguard the party
and its members from radicalism," they, "do so for the sake of
stability and development," etc..

How difficult it is to find a statesman in the prevailing
political landscape, and how easy it is to find unprincipled
politicians who only seek personal gain.

On the other hand, if popular support for Megawati continues
unabated and the supporters adopt a non-violent strategy there
will be a new development in the form of a people power party
requiring no government recognition.

Supposedly, if Megawati succeeded in holding the planned
chapter and branch conferences there would be a Megawati-led
party and a Soerjadi-led party. It is certain that the government
will only recognize Soerjadi's party.

On the other hand, the people's party will not be idle and
hence it is possible that the 1997 general election will be
flawed, its credibility and legitimacy put into question.

Should this happen, there may be more people refusing to
exercise their right to vote.

The writer is a lecturer in political science in post-graduate
studies at Airlangga University.

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