Part 2 of 2: Democracy, defense and development

Part 2 of 2: Democracy, defense and development

Juwono Sudarsono, Jakarta

President Soeharto, who presided over the centralized top-down
system justified the TNI's role as the praetorian guard of the
Indonesian state, much as the Brazilian military in the 1970s and
the Turkish army defined themselves in their more recent history.
The firm, pervasive presence of the TNI in domestic politics
enabled political stability that ensured 7 percent annual
economic growth for more than 30 years, but exacted a price in
terms of the decline of military professionalism across many
units of all three services.

After President Soeharto left office in May 1998, the TNI
redefined its role throughout the administrations of B.J.
Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri (1998-
2004), committing itself to the following measures:

Adoption of the TNI's "new paradigm", in which it would
support and encourage, rather than lead, civilian politics in
government, parliament, the judiciary and local bureaucracy. The
TNI has redefined itself as facilitator rather than initiator of
state policy. It relinquished its position in the 2004
legislative elections. The TNI Act of October 2004 recast the
TNI's role as accepting and affirming civilian authority.

Reposition its role by ceding to the police prime
responsibility for domestic security while emphasizing external
defense and military professionalism. In real terms, however, the
TNI continues to play its newly calibrated domestic security role
because, like the TNI itself the police force needs at least a
decade before it can achieve its projected standard of
professionalism and competence.

Reviews are needed of its intelligence, command and
territorial doctrine to emphasize its commitment to improve each
service's mission capability and focus on defense capacity rather
than on assessments of external threats. The defense mandate
would entail a balance between defense of the population and
defense of the country's natural resources. Most importantly,
both the Defense Act of 2002 and the TNI Act of 2004 recognize
the importance of non-military defense: defense of skills and
natural resources, defense of the environment, of the values and
culture of the nation. In short, defense encompasses the
constitutional mandate of sishankamrata (total defense and
security).

Reviews of its force structure are also required. For a
defense force comprising roughly 350,000 uniformed personnel and
with an official budget of 1.7 percent of GDP, ($2.3 billion; 8-9
percent of annual budget) the TNI is the most officially
underfunded force among the larger nations of Southeast Asia. The
percentage of the annual budget for education is 6 percent to 8
percent; for health 5 percent to 7 percent and for employment is
7 percent to 9 percent.

Clearly, in terms of capital spending for new equipment,
maintenance and repairs, as well as the logistics of linking the
5,000 kilometers between north Sumatra and Papua, the "rotational
cover" by naval and air forces barely copes with minimum
standards of military preparedness. The strategic waterways and
archipelagic sea lanes that account for roughly 46 percent of
sea-borne trade in East Asia needs to be defended by an
accountable and credible defense force.

Following the inauguration of Gen. (ret) President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono in October 2004, the Ministry of Defense and
the TNI are committed to civilian supremacy, democratic control
and accountability in policymaking, strategic planning and
defense management.

The final "D", Economic Development, comprises three main
areas of policymaking to maintain macroeconomic stability. A
stable government since 2001 has enabled GDP per capita growth to
increase to $1300 in 2004/05 from $650 in 1998. Poverty remains
acute at 36 million. But current growth is largely driven by
domestic consumption.

The 3 D's of Democracy, Defense and Development can only
succeed if Indonesia's leaders, from all walks of life, promote
and act upon good governance in public office and in private
personal conduct.

In turn, that will depend on how all of the people in
leadership positions work together to reinforce yet another set
of three D's, namely: Decisiveness, Determination and Delivery.
Decisiveness is crucial at the policymaking level of governance,
whether in public of private sector organizations. Determination
has to emanate from the leader's personality as well as from his
or her particular authoritative position. It is critical to
maintain a sense of urgency.

But the ability to deliver is the most critical factor of all.
A leader must be able to deliver the goods, to match promises
with performance: harnessing political stability, driving
economic recovery and crafting social reconciliation. Only then
can there be a more peaceful and stable political environment.
Only then can there be more food, shelter, clothing, employment
for those 36 million living below the poverty line and the nine
million openly unemployed. Only then can there more tolerance and
greater understanding among our diverse, ethnic, communal,
religious and provincial identities, from Sabang to Merauke.

The writer is the Minister of Defense.
This is an excerpt of his speech, presented recently at the 13th
Senior Course (KSA-XIII) at the National Resilience Institute
(Lemhannas).