Pacific needs common vision

The following is an excerpt from a paper presented by Anwar Ibrahim, acting prime minister of Malaysia at the 11th Asia- Pacific Roundtable on June 6, 1997.

KUALA LUMPUR: A year ago, a small group of leaders from the Pacific Rim gathered in this city to try to articulate a vision for a Pacific community worthy of the name of the ocean that laps our shores. The members of this "Charter Group" came from diverse nationalities, faiths, economic strata and ideological poles. In short, they reflected the Pacific community in all its rich and beguiling diversity. But they were also committed to the idea that peace and friendship is the central reality of our times, and took just seven months to agree on a common vision for the Pacific. This vision they projected in a document they called The Pacific Charter, whose opening lines read:

"For the nations of the Pacific, there has not been a more propitious time than this to cooperate for peace, prosperity and cultural enrichment.

"The storms of the past have abated and the Pacific is at last reaching for that calm worthy of its name.

"This is a moment to seize -- for a Pacific Peace, a Pacific Prosperity and a Pacific Celebration of Civilizations."

Since these words were written, I fear the generally calm waters of our ocean are being roiled by the actions of some in the Pacific community and the increasingly heated rhetoric by others to accentuate our differences. Attempts are being made to hold some of us accountable to standards drawn up by those who appear to have short memories of their own history.

Policies seemingly are influenced by the oscillating moods of the moment rather than a clear-eyed vision of the future. Criticism of ASEAN for admitting Myanmar into the grouping, together with Cambodia and Laos, and talk of "containment" of certain Asian countries, for example, demonstrates a predilection to play to the gallery rather than facing the realities of the region.

And rising economic nationalism, cloaked in the mantle of la mission democratisatrice -- apparent concern for civil liberties, the environment or workers' rights -- threatens to derail the attempts by the poorer Pacific nations to free their people from the chains of poverty. Such tendencies should not undermine our efforts to construct a Pacific community which is just and equitable, rooted in the reality of a pluralistic region, one which is tolerant and economically vibrant and shares a common destiny.

The Pacific Charter stresses the three pillars of our Pacific community, peace, prosperity, and a celebration of civilizations. Unless we have all three, we cannot have sustainable security. The Pacific peace we emphasize must be a common and cooperative peace. The Pacific prosperity must be a common and cooperative prosperity. The Pacific celebration of civilizations must be genuine and generous in embracing our religious, cultural and ethnic pluralism.

The struggle for peace must begin at home and it must begin with social justice. The opportunity to progress must be provided to all and not appropriated by a select few. Humane governance means ensuring the dignity of the person and the safeguarding of human rights.

Much remains to be done in many of the nations of the Pacific to advance social justice, which is assured when the foundation of a responsible civil society is embedded in every country. But reform must be in accordance with the rule of law, keeping in mind the need for societal stability. This does not mean legitimizing the illegitimate, merely that it should be left to individual people to determine the pace of change.

Societies forced to meet the dictates of multilateral institutions serving the needs of the rich and powerful face the prospect of chaos and anarchy. As we have seen, in a world of porous borders, such domestic strife can rapidly spill over national boundaries and destabilize entire regions.

It should come as no surprise to us, and no embarrassment to the countries concerned, that the major portion of such efforts at nurturing a civil society will have to be made by the countries on this side of the Pacific. For several centuries in some cases, and several decades in others, they had their freedom forfeited, their resources plundered and their development stunted by rapacious colonial powers and occupation forces. It will take a while more before these countries are able to join the ranks of those who were once their masters. And the burden will fall most heavily on the largest among them.

It must also be recognized that not all the ills which presently afflict our countries can be conveniently ascribed to our past and to outside powers. In some of our societies, there is a crying need for greater moral purpose and the courage to right wrongs, to make the sacrifices that are necessary to redress gross inequities. Despite the impressive economic growth charted by East Asia over the past decade, the continued presence of islands of poverty amid an ocean of plenty is a shameful reminder that equitable distribution of wealth remains an elusive dream.

States should care not only for their own security but also that of their neighbors. In a world characterized by double standards and double-speak, and dictated by the exigencies of realpolitik, states should lead not by rhetoric but by example. And as no cooperative enterprise can proceed satisfactorily without a guiding set of rules, it is imperative that the rules of good regional citizenship be clearly established and respected by all members of the Pacific community. These rules are set out in the form of norms and principles called the "Pacific Concord". They include:

1. The commitment to settle international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and justice is not endangered.

2. The commitment to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of the countries of the Pacific or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations, whose charter recognizes the right to individual and collective self-defense.

3. The commitment to conduct Pacific relations on the basis of sovereign equality, including rejection of any attempt by one country to impose domination over another or to strengthen its security at the expense of the security of other countries.

4. Consistent with the basic imperatives already identified, respect for the rights of people to freely determine their own political, economic and social system.

5. The commitment to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states in accordance with the purposes, principles and practices of the United Nations.

Prosperity has much to do with security. Part of the impetus for strengthening what we call the Pacific Peace comes from the need to foster Pacific Prosperity cooperatively. In this regard, what is required is a paradigm shift. Narrow nationalism, the old zero- sum game, must make way for a regional approach in safeguarding vital economic interests.

In the borderless world, prosperous neighbors obviously make for stable regions where wealth is shared rather than appropriated. Poverty breeds alienation and hostility; it fuels unrest and rebellion. It is inimical to the flourishing of human rights. On the other hand, shared prosperity promotes peace and stability. It fosters the social and political environment for the cultivation of civil society.

Those of us who were involved in the drawing up of the Pacific Charter firmly believe that achieving such prosperity rests on the market system, the liberalization and the opening of the Pacific.

In its finest form, the market economy combines the creativity and vitality of individual enterprise with balanced care for the interests of the larger community. Provided it is such a market economy -- an economy with a human face -- it is in our common interest to see it spread throughout the Pacific and deepen within those economies which are already highly marketized.

The success in building Pacific Prosperity hinges on how fast and how well we can proceed not only with the deepening of economic liberalization and the widening of the free market, but also with the opening of the Pacific.

The passing of the Industrial Age and the dawning of the Information Era marks an epochal milestone in our history. As we approach the third millennium, the issue of identity -- individual, national and cultural -- is central in establishing a new global order. The tsunami of globalization is creating a virulent backlash among diverse societies determined to preserve their cultural core.

Therefore, no other dimension is likely to have a more lasting and pervasive impact upon community building in the twenty-first century than the civilization aspect. Therefore, any debate on security must focus not merely on geopolitics but also on this new and crucial component.

This is particularly relevant to us in the Pacific community, whose diversity and multiculturalism far surpasses that of any other region in the world. Therefore, the mere avoidance of war and a clash of civilizations is not good enough. And co-existence is not good enough. There should be a celebration of civilizations where we each fortify the values and the ways which make us strong and that makes us civilized in our own light while partaking of the values and the ways of all our Pacific partners.

We should focus on three objectives in the next quarter century: 1. Maximize mutual understanding, 2. Strengthen mutual respect and appreciation, and 3. Foster mutual cultural enrichment.

We should not be blinded by our bigotries nor propelled by our prejudices into a position of cultural arrogance but should engage in a civilized dialog whose primary motif is a global convivencia, a harmonious and enriching experience of living together amid our diversity.

Mutual understanding and mutual respect are the beginning of mutual trust. Cultures and civilizations should not be divided. On the contrary, they should arouse interest and spur exchange. We of the Pacific must reject, and reject most vigorously, the thesis that civilizations are destined to collide, especially in this part of the world.

Often in our search for peace and friendship among states we neglect the most obvious fact, that states are but communities of people. For peace and friendship to be profound and durable in the Pacific, we will therefore also have to work at the people-to-people level.

As technology and trade magnify geography and obliterate borders, and as civil society takes root within states and forges links across boundaries, the imperative to foster cooperation, mutual understanding and friendship among the people of the Pacific becomes ever more demanding and urgent.

It is time to proceed with the massive building of the bridges of friendship and understanding not only between governments, not only between the military and the security agencies, but also between the many and myriad groupings around which our people organize themselves and seek fulfillment.

Window A: The struggle for peace must begin at home and it must begin with social justice. The opportunity to progress must be provided to all and not appropriated by a select few.

Window B: Poverty breeds alienation and hostility; it fuels unrest and rebellion. It is inimical to the flourishing of human rights. On the other hand, shared prosperity promotes peace and stability.