Other ways of looking at Balinese feminism
Other ways of looking at Balinese feminism
Jean Couteau, Contributor, Denpasar
On the occasion of Kartini Day, two interesting events occurred
in Bali, each providing its own way and opportunity to reflect on
the living conditions of Balinese women.
The first was the launch of a small book: Wanita Bali Tempo
Doeloe, by Darma Putra. It consists of a series of articles
analyzing writings published by Balinese women since the early
days of Dutch occupation in the 1920s to the 1960s. Such a
historical approach relativizes "feminist theory."
What remains are not the arguments, but the long-term
sociological impact on society, the changes brought about to the
mentality of the people. Women's emancipation is thus not right
or wrong: It is just a process. And this process is indeed
fascinating.
Darma Putra shows, for example, that, unlike their modern
sisters, the first Balinese women to receive education were not
reluctant to be assertive. The idea of "progress" ruled the day
and they wanted to benefit from it. They fought "backwardness"
wherever they saw it: in education, marriage (polygamy), gender
equality, hygiene and other fields. They were even aware of the
risks entailed by the exotic image attached to them and fought
for having the breasts of their Balinese sisters hidden from the
lascivious gaze of non-Balinese: Hence the popularity of the
kebaya (blouse).
Outwardly opposed to tradition, Balinese women were catching
up in all things modern and Western.
The book does not cover the role of women during the war of
Independence (1945-1949), but the image women gave of themselves
in articles written in the 1950s is strikingly different from
that depicted above. Progress, such as seen in the West, was now
ambiguous. It represented a danger. The writers, proud of their
educational achievements, now protested against immorality,
prostitution, premarital sex -- all supposedly Western imports.
This "moralist" discourse accompanied an outward political
discourse that was anti-feudal and anti-imperialist, in the
fashion of Sukarno's Indonesia. It is interesting to note that
this post-independence period saw the perception of Raden Ajeng
Kartini -- a Javanese woman famous for having written letters
about women's living conditions at the turn of the century -- as
a role model for Indonesian women: Women should be "equal" to
men, yet follow them (ngekor) as mothers to their children.
What the book does not discuss is what Balinese women said
during the New Order. But what we witnessed was the ideologizing
of limited emancipation via the cult of Raden Ajeng Kartini.
Women made tremendous inroads through their penetration of all
levels of education and the work market, but were stuck in a
dependent position as "mothers" and refused formal legal
equality, whatever the claims of the regime to the contrary.
Their dependency was enshrined, with Kartini's unwitting help, as
corresponding to the implementation of Eastern values.
The result is now before us: Most modern Balinese women
activists now don't look to the West for a model of emancipation,
but to their own roots: They say that Hindu religion, far from
condoning gender inequality, asserts equality. It is the
misinterpretation of the Veda, they say, that leads to the
inequality witnessed in daily life.
Balinese feminism has thus become fully indigenized. Published
by the Bali Jani Foundation, Darma Putra's book, which also
contains reprints of some of the women's articles, is a good
introduction to the struggle of Balinese feminists.
The second event was an installation held at Paros Gallery on
Friday 2O by Australian artist Victoria Cattoni on the theme,
Kebaya. Paros Gallery is currently the most "open" contemporary
gallery in Bali. Situated off the road in a Balinese kampong, it
blends perfectly in the traditional surroundings of Banjar Palak,
Sukawati, where it is located. Its "non-commercial" and friendly
atmosphere makes it a favorite meeting and exhibition place for
local and foreign artists.
Such an environment perfectly suits Victoria Cattoni (42),
whose video installations, like other exhibitions she has held in
the last few years in Indonesia, deal with daily aspects of
Indonesian women's life, which she brings to the fore as a means
of enhancing their awareness about their living conditions.
After flowers, she now works on the theme of the kebaya, this
symbol par excellence of the Indonesian woman, and of
"femininity" in Indonesia. She has gathered a collection of some
80 kebaya of all kinds and tastes -- tight, loose, transparent
and revealing, dark and "puritan" etc. She asks women, young and
old, slim and fat, to try on themselves several of these kebaya,
and, looking at themselves in front of a mirror, to comment what
they see, how they feel, what they like and dislike, etc.
Meanwhile, the process is recorded on video. She has in this
way gathered an important corpus of "discourse" of ordinary women
about themselves, and about women in general. It is this video
that she is exhibiting in her show.
The idea underlying the exhibition is that every moment of
one's life and activities is significant. We usually only
acknowledge the creative aspects of our culture -- verbal
language, literature, art, behavioral norms etc. -- but tend to
pay little attention to its most banal sides: Daily gestures and
objects, ordinary dress, outward behavior, etc. To Victoria, on
the contrary, banality itself is most meaningful. It carries our
subconscious self, our unspoken system of values. By focusing on
it in her works, she undertakes to reveal its role and makes us
conscious of the hidden values it carries, thus giving us greater
leverage to act upon it.
If there is a dress that is "banal" in Indonesia, it is the
kebaya, indeed. Few of the women who wear it are aware of its
past and significance. When wearing it, some say that it makes
them feel "Indonesian", as it was the costume worn by Raden Ajeng
Kartini, the "Mother" role model of Soeharto's Indonesia.
When told, in the discussion, that the kebaya was of mixed
colonial origin -- some say it was Portuguese, others Chinese or
even Afghan -- their whole perception of its "Indonesian-ness" is
shattered, because suddenly it is embedded in a wider
geographical context.
As for the kebaya they try on, they are of various types and
origins -- from the relatively loose and well-covering kebaya
from Islamic western Sumatra to the well-corseted and transparent
kebaya from Java and Bali. When putting these kebaya on, women
discuss their bodies, their sex-appeal, shyness, their wish to
please or their need to cover themselves up. Thus, they reveal
their perception of themselves and the expectation of the
community toward themselves.
The kebaya thus turns into an exploratory tool for women,
leading to a greater awareness of their living conditions and
thus to a greater liberty. In short, when looking at the video,
we are made witness to a process of awakening. We also see
Victoria construct her own discourse about women's discourse -- a
discourse of hope and optimism.
Interestingly, Victoria doesn't speak. She doesn't seize
"power" with the purpose of making Indonesian women "conscious",
as too many Western feminists and other Western do-gooders would
have tended to do. Instead, she offers no theory, no teaching
from the "West". She "shuts up", letting Indonesian women put on
kebaya, smile or smirk about them and sometimes, when they feel
suitable, discuss them. Low-key Victoria is the facilitator. We
learn from her installation/performance in a passive,
intercultural way -- a kind of dialogue that doesn't reveal its
name.
So, what we see at the Paros exhibition, beyond the show,
beyond the kebaya and beyond Victoria herself, is a kind of
genesis of a certain idea about women's freedom.
We hope Victoria continues to explore the unspoken aspects of
Indonesian women and society.