Old soldiers steal the show

Pitan Daslani Jakarta

When the reform movement rocked the country in May 1998, the theme of the political campaign was "Drive president Soeharto out along with the Military." Six years later, Indonesians are now rallying behind two retired Army generals in the race for the position Soeharto once occupied for 32 years.

Six years before Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono quit President Megawati Soekarnoputri's Cabinet, nobody would have believed this would be the case. In fact, it wasn't until Gen. (ret.) Wiranto handed Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung a humiliating defeat in Golkar's candidacy race, that many realized the political pendulum had swung back so fast.

The success of the reform movement has been to escort former generals back on stage for a national leadership contest. Had reformists really understood the high degree of Indonesian political elasticity, they wouldn't have hastily pointed the finger at the Military as the source of the destruction of democracy; they wouldn't have assumed that only civilians knew what democracy was all about.

Such an extreme assumption is certainly not meant to discount the reputation and chances of other top politicians in the presidential race. But the plain fact is that even self- proclaimed civilian reformists are now rallying behind either of the former generals, hoping to be given a seat in the next national administration.

Those whose parties performed badly in recent elections are either teaming up under the pretext of "salvaging the nation," or lobbying around for coalitions. The very politicians who used to behave like the holy judges, handing out punishments to the Military, are now the people clamoring for a share of the pie in the next government. The very politicians who used to think Military figures would no longer be welcomed by the people are the politicians calling the two generals' personal secretaries seeking private meetings.

Wiranto and Susilo have convinced the nation the Military is actually more prepared for reform than the civilian camps of reformists.

Why the generals and not civilian politicians, have emerged as the strongest contenders for the next presidency is a question that irks certain circles in this country. But at the same time it is a milestone for the redefinition of Indonesian reform -- it is now no longer a civilian-only business.

Indonesian reform is reshaping. It is developing into a new paradigm -- change for the national interest that does not recognize the dichotomy of the Military versus civilian supremacy.

What is still lacking, however, is a clear direction or road map. The national theater has displayed only reactionary politics. Political parties compete for power but when in control of the nation, the lack of direction remains.

This happened during the tenure of Abdurrahman Wahid and later during that of Megawati Soekarnoputri, who rose to power on public sympathy and saw a decline in her party's performance during the recent election because of internal bickering and policy failures. National stability, integrity, dignity and the reform agenda were at stake.

Reform policies executed by civilian leaders have not worked well because this is a country where the horse has to be whipped hard to make it run.

What was lacking with Habibie, Wahid and now Megawati, is strong leadership. The Military knows this very well. They know that unless the country has strong leadership, threats of disintegration will loom large while the rule of law will remain a dream and a lack of policy will characterize the government's performance.

Wiranto and Susilo have emerged as symbols of strong national leadership even though they have yet to prove their capabilities as presidents. But given the fact they are close to one another emotionally, choosing either of them in the next presidential election will swing the gate wide open for more and more Military figures to reenter the political theater.

How tough would the contest be, should Wiranto and Yudhoyono emerge as the main contenders for the presidential race? The two generals have long-maintained a symbiotic relationship, they listen to each other, they need each other and they have always rallied behind each other in times of crisis.

When former president Abdurrahman was looking for the right man to occupy the position of Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto lobbied hard to install Susilo, although the move was blocked by the former president who had hand-picked Tyasno Sudarto for the job after meeting him in secret.

Wiranto did not lie down. He struggled all out against the president and eventually succeeded in securing a ministerial position for Susilo, who he then referred to as the "TNI's best officer."

In return, Susilo has been a staunch defender of Wiranto over allegations about the latter's human rights record in East Timor. At one point, Wiranto asked international media representatives to go and ask Susilo whether he knew of any violations of human rights when Wiranto was minister of defense and TNI commander.

The two generals are like two sides of the same coin. As chief of TNI's social-political staff (Kasospol), Susilo used to have frequent consultations with his then commander. He was generally seen as the brain behind Wiranto's political moves that led to a community leaders meeting in Kemayoran, the embryo that developed into the "Ciganjur Plus" meeting, preceding the dismantling of the Habibie regime.

If it were not for their different political platforms today, the two generals would be like brothers. They reached prominence in the Military during Soeharto's reign and they were both close to the former ruler.

With such a symbiotic relationship binding their long Military careers, their likely confrontation in the presidential race should not be presumed as being a battle between enemies. They are still close friends and only a chair ( in the President's palace) near the Monas Square will make them confront each other. Remove that chair from the picture and you would see their true colors.

To the Military, whether Wiranto or Susilo wins the presidential race does not make much difference. The interest of the Military is to see strong national leadership to ensure national unity and territorial integrity, stability and order. This is what has been lacking since Soeharto left office.

It now is not important whether or not the next president comes from the Military or is a civilian. This message should be passed on to university campuses so that students will not be stirred up by political opportunists to rock the nation with demonstrations in a bogus defense of the public interest.

Campus reaction to the rise of Wiranto and Susilo will show whether the Indonesian reform movement has a clear direction or whether it is only a vehicle for experimenters to pursue selfish ambitions.

The above contributor can be reached at pitand@singapore.com.