Okinawa: A test case for democracy?

By Ignas Kleden

TOKYO (JP): Democracy seems to become increasingly complicated, as do the problems which face it.

At the recent The Japan Times symposium in Tokyo, three senior figures from the United States, Germany and Japan spoke of the new challenges which face industrialized countries.

The question is this: are there challenges to democracy that are peculiar to industrialized countries? Is the realization of democracy so dependent on the stages of economic development that one can speak of preindustrial, industrial and post-industrial democracy ?

This question did not seem to concern the three speakers, who concentrated on the practical challenges emerging in the G-7 group of industrial countries. They identified three groups of problems; economic stagnation, international security issues and world political leadership.

Paul Volcker, the former chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve Board discussed the recent exchange rate fluctuations. Volcker argued that such large fluctuations are undesirable and are related to the monetary policies of national governments. Volcker identified low productivity, low savings and increased welfare payments as the major problems of the U.S. economy.

Graf Otto Lambsdorff, of the German Liberal party, hinted at a crisis of leadership in his speech. He then discussed the problem of rising global unemployment, with a caveat that the U.S. should not continue a liberal trade regime and not revert to isolationism. Lambsdorff also covered Europe's problems. For example, the blurring of old borders with the East has created instability in Europe. Security arrangements also need to be reviewed, he claimed, with the possible expansion of NATO to include Russia.

Yotaro Kobayashi, chairman of Fuji Xerox Co., from Japan, touched upon the urgent need for deregulation and administrative and fiscal reform in Japan. He also spoke of the precarious position of Japan; a country which enjoys a close economic relationship with the OECD economies, but which must also maintain its position within the economies of Asia.

One may wonder what relationship these problems have with democracy. Is democracy a political system which a country considers desirable and practical ? Or should we speak of democratic societies, where certain basic values are accepted as the indicators of a greater civilization, egalitarianism and pluralism ?

The lack of distinction between the cultural and institutional aspects of democracy are a major obstacle to a communal understanding of democracy. Democracy can be established by means of founding institutions such as parliament, a free press and general elections. Despite the existence of these institutions there continues to be debate and discussion of democracy.

Democracy is partially achieved through these institutions. The NGOs, students and press, groups which make major commotions about democracy seem to emphasize its cultural and behavioral aspects. Under democracy, political actors are able to communicate with one another. There is participation in a decision-making process. Workers are allowed to organize. There are fewer cultural or political taboos. Finally, there are minimum standards which bind politicians.

Under Japan's present political system, for example, democratic ideals are tested by negotiations between the central Tokyo and regional Okinawan governments. Currently, the two governments are negotiating the revision of a 1952 law that allows the U.S. to operate 12 military bases in Okinawa.

The Tokyo central government, represented by the Prime Minister Hashimoto spoke on March 25 with the governor of Okinawa, Masahide Ota. The talks have been unsuccessful so far, as governor Ota "cannot accept" the revisions due to powerful domestic opposition to the bases from within Okinawa. For the Okinawans this is a matter of major importance since the land lease for U.S. military purposes involves 3,000 landowners.

Prime Minister Hashimoto now faces a dilemma between international and domestic pressures. Hashimoto seems to believe that the revision of the law is instrumental to good bilateral relations with the U.S, in particular with relation to defense. He must also consider the countervailing feelings of Okinawan citizens who want the law terminated and the military bases removed. The pressure of the dilemma is aggravated by the fact that he is scheduled to meet President Bill Clinton on April 24, whereas the land leases will expire on May 14 of this year.

Hashimoto and his government are considering the submission of a bill to revise the 1952 law to the Diet (parliament of Japan). The Diet must approve the bill before Hashimoto leaves for Washington in April.

Besides time constraints, the Japanese government is haunted by pending domestic issues. The bill must be approved by the cabinet coalition to be passed by parliament. Despite the insistence of the Liberal Democratic Party, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) has not clarified it's stance on the revision of the land law.

The difference between the two parties is that whereas LDP wants no major changes to the land leases, the SDP will only agree on the revision if there is a cut of the now 27,000 U.S. forces in Okinawa.

However, the SDP seems adamant in it's position. Continued opposition to the revision may damage the SDP's standing as a partner in the ruling coalition. Some politicians within the SPD have proposed that Okinawa negotiations should be conducted separately from the discussion of alliances with the ruling coalition.

Be that as it may, the Japanese government is faced with some different, albeit related, levels of difficulties. On one level it must deal with the U.S. government. The U.S. maintains that the leases should be extended and that there should be no cut of American forces in Okinawa. On the second level, the Japanese government must settle internal differences within the ruling coalition, particularly between the SPD and LDP.

Resolution of this conflict is important, not only to do justice to popular sentiment, but also to retain the integrity of the ruling bloc. On the third level, the government must cope with conflicting interests of central and prefectural governments, and between national and local security.

It goes without saying that Hashimoto's government should carry out complex and tough negotiations. The outside world is now curious about Japan. Many hope that the country can lead to way to a particular solution of these complex problems.

Can Japan make use of democratic means to minimize the damage if the demands of neither party are met? This is a valid question. The answer will show how an industrialized Japan will actually implement industrial democracy regardless of what 'democracy' is supposed to mean.

The writer is an Indonesian participant at the Asia's Leadership Fellow Program at the International House of Japan, Tokyo.

Window A:

The lack of distinction between the cultural and institutional aspects of democracy are a major obstacle to a communal understanding of democracy.

Window B:

Besides time constraints, the Japanese government is haunted by pending domestic issues. The bill must be approved by the cabinet coalition to be passed by parliament.