Nothing personal behind students' actions against Gus Dur

Students, the spearhead of the 1998 reform movement that succeeded in forcing Soeharto out of office, seem to be split in today's political storm. The equally outspoken different groups of students are now divided over whether President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid should remain in office. Taufik Riyadi, president of the University of Indonesia's Student Council Executive Board (BEM-UI) and a law student in 1996, acknowledges "an extraordinary and systematic conspiracy to deflate the student movement", as one newspaper put it. However, in a recent interview with The Jakarta Post he insisted that differences of outlook do not necessarily mean a split among student groups. Excerpts:

Question The media has reported a split between student groups. Given how you carry different messages about the President is this really the case?

Answer: In democratic discourse differences among students are acceptable. They are actually signs of students' political maturity. There are friends of ours who argue that the current crisis is the result of the New Order regime, and they are fighting for this cause (against remaining elements of the regime).

There are other friends who give an equally convincing argument that the problems facing this nation stem from the current leadership. This group is suspicious that the current leadership may actually represent the previous regime.

A simplistic look, indeed, but these differences are what appear at the surface as students ally themselves into those who support or oppose Gus Dur. But I think the different approaches are equally valid.

We are still learning about democratization. The media might have reported of a split among students, but ... this should not be seen in such a simplistic manner. I don't think there's a fundamental divide among us. Some of us think it's better if we first remove a regime and then conduct change, others do not agree and only call for improvement.

Student councils of some universities, including yours, have taken to the streets carrying messages for reform. Somehow, these messages do not come through and the media have easily grouped you together as an anti-Gus Dur group. What is your message?

Our message is actually clear, namely that we want to see reform completed. We are talking about constitutional reform, so we demand the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, the abolition of the Indonesian Military (TNI) political role, the establishment of egalitarian democracy, law enforcement, and that this nation brings into account elements of the New Order regime.

We are also calling on the nation to make corruption our common enemy; only through this position will we be able to resist anyone involved in corrupt practices. And that means anyone.

Finally, we want to lay the foundation for a better system in general. We are not only finding faults with the current system but also seeking to build a future system. For instance, we would like for us to someday have direct presidential elections, bicameral representative bodies, and a general election with a district system. We are offering the country alternatives.

Those are the messages that were made in 1998, so why have you decided to go on rallies these days, coinciding with the push against Gus Dur?

Students are a moral force, and we are riding on a momentum. We evaluated (our movement and decided to take to the streets). The student council of the University of Indonesia (BEM UI) has actually kept up with its campaign. For instance, last year we gave a Soeharto award, a symbol of our hatred for and our alertness of the New Order elements.

We gave the award to Attorney General Marzuki Darusman (for poor law enforcement), Gus Dur for corrupt practices, and (former military commander) Benny Moerdani for violations of human rights.

During last year's annual session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) we also sent a warning to Gus Dur and the House of Representatives (DPR) members against allowing the military to remain in representative bodies. Last Dec. 31, we issued a call on Gus Dur to take the reform campaign seriously or else step down.

We are choosing this momentum because of the current (public sentiment) about corrupt practices. We are indeed carrying this message (in our rallies). The public can feel for itself the absence of justice; the people can see how corrupt officials have walked free. We might have only recently gone on street rallies but we have made preliminary steps (in our campaign).

But your rallies say you are against Gus Dur.

We oppose any untruths. We are not against him personally, but we are against his character, and his anti-reform policies.

Shouldn't you have said something about his election to office back in 1999?

(His election) was a historical accident. He was the lesser evil. He was more acceptable than Megawati (Soekarnoputri) or B.J. Habibie. He was a relatively safe choice because both Megawati's supporters and modernist Muslim groups could accept him.

Do you get public support? It seems you don't get as much support as, say, the pro-Gus Dur groups, maybe because your messages do not reach them?

The student movement is a moral force, and maybe our messages are not easily understood. In 1998, it was easier for us because our message was simple; namely that Soeharto must be removed.

Now we are talking about the completion of the reform agenda, (this invites questions) what is the agenda? But if we only say that our agenda is to fight against KKN (corruption, collusion and nepotism), people understand easily what KKN is. (May be it would have been easier) if we said that because of corrupt practices, Gus Dur must step down.

I admit, though, that the students language is not always easily understood.

In a recent dialog between Gus Dur and students, representatives of anti-Gus Dur student councils were excluded. At last Friday's talk with students in East Java, students of Muhammadiyah were also excluded. What is your comment?

I regret this very much. Why did (palace officials) exclude student councils from dialog? Why did they invite some groups and not others?

I see that as a campaign to "legitimize" Gus Dur. Indeed, we are facing power here and how people who wish to maintain power will go to any lengths and do anything. However, let us be wise. These people are harming their own interests, the public is already aware about (the unfair practice). Many people have become restless because of such a move.

What are your plans now?

We will keep on moving. We will continue to be a pressure group, a permanent opposition. We won't only be agents of change, but directors of change. We will speak about the future system.

Students will not only topple a regime and then return to campus ...

We are thinking of turning into a more massive force. But we won't be able to do anything without public support, which we feel we still have.

If you could speak directly to Gus Dur, what would you say?

That we think he has flunked. (If we must grade his administration), he gets less than five. I think it would be difficult for his administration to continue because the legislature has already given him a vote of no confidence.

How would he prepare future policies without the support of the DPR? Even public trust in him is low so he will find it difficult to move forward. The economic crisis and poor law enforcement are the two main obstacles in his path.

I would tell Gus Dur to (face the crisis in his administration) in an honorable manner. Please, think clearly, and see that the social cost of resigning today would be much cheaper than waiting (until you were removed forcibly through an MPR special assembly). (Santi W.E. Soekanto)