Nothing personal behind students' actions against Gus Dur

Nothing personal behind students' actions against Gus Dur

Students, the spearhead of the 1998 reform movement that
succeeded in forcing Soeharto out of office, seem to be split in
today's political storm. The equally outspoken different groups
of students are now divided over whether President Abdurrahman
"Gus Dur" Wahid should remain in office. Taufik Riyadi,
president of the University of Indonesia's Student Council
Executive Board (BEM-UI) and a law student in 1996, acknowledges
"an extraordinary and systematic conspiracy to deflate the
student movement", as one newspaper put it. However, in a recent
interview with The Jakarta Post he insisted that differences of
outlook do not necessarily mean a split among student groups.
Excerpts:

Question The media has reported a split between student
groups. Given how you carry different messages about the
President is this really the case?

Answer: In democratic discourse differences among students are
acceptable. They are actually signs of students' political
maturity. There are friends of ours who argue that the current
crisis is the result of the New Order regime, and they are
fighting for this cause (against remaining elements of the
regime).

There are other friends who give an equally convincing
argument that the problems facing this nation stem from the
current leadership. This group is suspicious that the current
leadership may actually represent the previous regime.

A simplistic look, indeed, but these differences are what
appear at the surface as students ally themselves into those who
support or oppose Gus Dur. But I think the different approaches
are equally valid.

We are still learning about democratization. The media might
have reported of a split among students, but ... this should not
be seen in such a simplistic manner. I don't think there's a
fundamental divide among us. Some of us think it's better if we
first remove a regime and then conduct change, others do not
agree and only call for improvement.

Student councils of some universities, including yours, have
taken to the streets carrying messages for reform. Somehow, these
messages do not come through and the media have easily grouped
you together as an anti-Gus Dur group. What is your message?

Our message is actually clear, namely that we want to see
reform completed. We are talking about constitutional reform, so
we demand the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, the abolition
of the Indonesian Military (TNI) political role, the
establishment of egalitarian democracy, law enforcement, and that
this nation brings into account elements of the New Order regime.

We are also calling on the nation to make corruption our
common enemy; only through this position will we be able to
resist anyone involved in corrupt practices. And that means
anyone.

Finally, we want to lay the foundation for a better system in
general. We are not only finding faults with the current system
but also seeking to build a future system. For instance, we would
like for us to someday have direct presidential elections,
bicameral representative bodies, and a general election with a
district system. We are offering the country alternatives.

Those are the messages that were made in 1998, so why have you
decided to go on rallies these days, coinciding with the push
against Gus Dur?

Students are a moral force, and we are riding on a momentum.
We evaluated (our movement and decided to take to the streets).
The student council of the University of Indonesia (BEM UI) has
actually kept up with its campaign. For instance, last year we
gave a Soeharto award, a symbol of our hatred for and our
alertness of the New Order elements.

We gave the award to Attorney General Marzuki Darusman (for
poor law enforcement), Gus Dur for corrupt practices, and (former
military commander) Benny Moerdani for violations of human
rights.

During last year's annual session of the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) we also sent a warning to Gus Dur and the House of
Representatives (DPR) members against allowing the military to
remain in representative bodies. Last Dec. 31, we issued a call
on Gus Dur to take the reform campaign seriously or else step
down.

We are choosing this momentum because of the current (public
sentiment) about corrupt practices. We are indeed carrying this
message (in our rallies). The public can feel for itself the
absence of justice; the people can see how corrupt officials have
walked free. We might have only recently gone on street rallies
but we have made preliminary steps (in our campaign).

But your rallies say you are against Gus Dur.

We oppose any untruths. We are not against him personally, but
we are against his character, and his anti-reform policies.

Shouldn't you have said something about his election to office
back in 1999?

(His election) was a historical accident. He was the lesser
evil. He was more acceptable than Megawati (Soekarnoputri) or
B.J. Habibie. He was a relatively safe choice because both
Megawati's supporters and modernist Muslim groups could accept
him.

Do you get public support? It seems you don't get as much
support as, say, the pro-Gus Dur groups, maybe because your
messages do not reach them?

The student movement is a moral force, and maybe our messages
are not easily understood. In 1998, it was easier for us because
our message was simple; namely that Soeharto must be removed.

Now we are talking about the completion of the reform agenda,
(this invites questions) what is the agenda? But if we only say
that our agenda is to fight against KKN (corruption, collusion
and nepotism), people understand easily what KKN is. (May be it
would have been easier) if we said that because of corrupt
practices, Gus Dur must step down.

I admit, though, that the students language is not always
easily understood.

In a recent dialog between Gus Dur and students,
representatives of anti-Gus Dur student councils were excluded.
At last Friday's talk with students in East Java, students of
Muhammadiyah were also excluded. What is your comment?

I regret this very much. Why did (palace officials) exclude
student councils from dialog? Why did they invite some groups and
not others?

I see that as a campaign to "legitimize" Gus Dur. Indeed, we
are facing power here and how people who wish to maintain power
will go to any lengths and do anything. However, let us be wise.
These people are harming their own interests, the public is
already aware about (the unfair practice). Many people have
become restless because of such a move.

What are your plans now?

We will keep on moving. We will continue to be a pressure
group, a permanent opposition. We won't only be agents of change,
but directors of change. We will speak about the future system.

Students will not only topple a regime and then return to
campus ...

We are thinking of turning into a more massive force. But we
won't be able to do anything without public support, which we
feel we still have.

If you could speak directly to Gus Dur, what would you say?

That we think he has flunked. (If we must grade his
administration), he gets less than five. I think it would be
difficult for his administration to continue because the
legislature has already given him a vote of no confidence.

How would he prepare future policies without the support of
the DPR? Even public trust in him is low so he will find it
difficult to move forward. The economic crisis and poor law
enforcement are the two main obstacles in his path.

I would tell Gus Dur to (face the crisis in his
administration) in an honorable manner. Please, think clearly,
and see that the social cost of resigning today would be much
cheaper than waiting (until you were removed forcibly through an
MPR special assembly). (Santi W.E. Soekanto)