No more govt meddling in post-Helsinki Aceh

No more govt meddling in post-Helsinki Aceh

Aiyub Syah, Jakarta

When the tsunami hit Aceh on the morning of Dec. 26, 2004,
some 5,000 members of the Aceh community in Jakarta were
attending a gathering. The annual event, held in the Senayan
sports stadium, Jakarta, was sponsored by Taman Iskandar Muda
(TIM), an organization of the Acehnese in Greater Jakarta, with
over 60,000 members.

After its ceremonial opening and a message by Central TIM
Chairman Teuku Safli Didoh, the audience in Senayan was taken by
surprise when Aceh Deputy Governor Azwar Abubakar said: "My heart
is now torn between the desire to speak at this gathering and the
urge to immediately see the people back in Aceh. I've just been
informed that a huge quake has rocked Banda Aceh this morning."

News was circulating a few weeks after the tsunami that a
settlement of the political conflict between Indonesia and the
Free Aceh Movement (GAM) would be negotiated in Helsinki,
Finland. The Acehnese were stunned by this media report, while
the atmosphere of panic arising from the quake-generated waves
continued to haunt them. And they began to see their hopes rise
for a speedy end to the armed violence in Aceh to make life
easier.

With two rounds of negotiations already done, another
Indonesia-GAM meeting in Helsinki is due start in April. The two
meetings indicated a more conciliatory attitude on the part of
GAM, which proposed "self-government". That proposal was key
because it represents a softening of their stance of "total
independence", which remained a major hurdle in previous
negotiations arranged by the Henri Dunant Center (HDC) -- and
eventually failed in Tokyo in 2003.

There was the perception on the Indonesian side that its
special autonomy offer was quite "attractive" in the Helsinki
sessions, though GAM refused to accept the term "special
autonomy". "GAM prefers the use of 'self-government'," said
Bachtiar Abdullah, GAM spokesman in the Helsinki talks.

Facilitated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) under
former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, the stages of
negotiation seem to have made some steps forward and come under
the spotlight of the world community. International press
attention has even been close to what it showed during the
negotiation mediated by the HDC, a Geneva, Switzerland based non-
governmental organization. In December 2002, the series of
negotiations produced a truce, but were abruptly discontinued in
May 2003, when the government launched a military operation.

Meanwhile, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan also reaffirmed his
commitment to support the peace effort in Aceh when he visited
Aceh in January 2005.

When the tsunami wrecked Aceh, various donors -- countries and
institutions -- moved fast to deliver their donations to the
ravaged province by air, sea and land. It created a situation
where the Indonesian government was obliged to have an open
attitude toward humanitarian assistance from international
circles.

The process of Aceh's economic recovery should be based on a
precondition that priority for business opportunities should be
given to local entrepreneurs and Acehnese people are fully
involved in the reconstruction process.

Is this process of democratization possible in Aceh? It is not
simple to build democracy. This is particularly the case when the
military power is not yet willing to give up the political sphere
as a civilian domain.

Where is Aceh heading in the post-tsunami and post-Helsinki
period? Will it follow any of the models of Northern Ireland, the
Philippines, South Africa -- or will it continue to suffer?

In a coffee stall in Ilhe Kareng, I was stunned when I heard
an Acehnese song by Rafly at dusk: ...Aceh meutuah, meutuah, bek
lhe ro darah... (courteous and noble Aceh, shed no more blood).
This song offers a broad humanitarian spectrum, if implemented in
the form of cessation of the armed hostilities in Aceh, by both
the Indonesian military/police and GAM.

A total cease-fire is a logical offer to be agreed upon in the
third round of Helsinki negotiations in April.

Anyway, the existence of international mediators or
facilitators should be supported to expedite the process of
democratization in Aceh. The system of local elections should be
applied, by involving international mediators to conduct strict
control.

It is an urgent requirement to allow independent candidates to
contest in the elections if local general elections are held in
the province. In this way, a democratic election system will be
effective. This, in turn, will serve as an entry point to build
Aceh's future with honor and peace, shedding no more blood.

A peaceful Aceh will cost the Indonesian government no
military expenses, which can be shifted to the development of
people's economy.

The core of the issue is that no more top-down methods are
applicable in determining the leaders and people's
representatives in Aceh. Excessive intervention by the central
government elite in the formation of Aceh's leadership and
council has proven to be detrimental. Now let democracy make
sound progress in Aceh.

The writer is an independent journalist, observer of rights
compliance and democracy.