New Order still alive and kicking

New Order still alive and kicking

Some policies instituted by the government recently are
reminiscent of those of the New Order. Political analyst J.
Soedjati Djiwandono zeros in on the issue.

JAKARTA (JP): "'The New Order is dead. Long live the New
Order'. Am I being too cynical?"

That was the last line of an e-mail message I received the
other day from a friend in London. I responded immediately, "No,
I don't think you are being too cynical. The New Order is alive
and well. The empire strikes back".

We have, indeed, a change of president with his new Cabinet.
But the new government is part of the old system of the New
Order. It is part and parcel of the old regime despite its self-
designation as a reform Cabinet.

Surely, it is not fair to put all the blame on Habibie, who
has been, as it were, catapulted to the presidency unprepared. He
had been vice president only for two months. Just as his
predecessors, his vice presidency was an integral part and
result of typical manipulation and machinations gradually, but
surely and blatantly, developed by the New Order under Soeharto.

It is small wonder then that Habibie seems to be confused, not
really knowing what to do. In a sense, one should rightfully feel
sorry for him.

That seems to apply also to the entire outfit of his
government. A clear example is the behavior of the governor of
Jakarta. Apparently so as to appear reform-minded and concerned
over the increasing number of unemployed -- albeit naively
without anticipating the possible consequences -- he allowed
pedicabs to operate again in Jakarta. A few days later, however,
he rescinded his own decision as though expecting it to be
accepted without further ado.

It is too much and unrealistic, therefore, to expect the
present government to implement reform, let alone "total" reform,
covering all the aspects of the nation's life. On the contrary,
it may well stand in the way of reform. In fact, this government
is preparing a bill on freedom of expression that would
practically put a ban on demonstrations, the very form of
expression that forced Soeharto to relinquish his presidency.

Indeed, Habibie has now begun to reveal his true self as a
scion of the New Order. Some time ago he said he was not going to
run for president after the projected general election. Then
recently, now that he has had a taste of honey of the power of
the presidency, he expressed second thoughts.

Of course, it is basically everybody's right in a democracy to
aspire to be president. But something else President Habibie has
done falls in disturbingly with the manipulative pattern of the
Soeharto New Order regime. He replaced several People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) members with his own friends. If this
is not cronyism or nepotism, I don't know what is.

It seems to indicate that President Habibie himself is not
sure of the legitimacy of his own presidency and thus that of his
government. His action appears to be an effort to ensure a
confirmation of his full term as president.

To that end, not only has he followed the old pattern of
manipulation, but has also resorted to a revamped MPR, which will
be no more legitimate than the one that had appointed Soeharto
and himself as president and vice president respectively. Indeed,
he turns out to be a true disciple of Soeharto's.

The lack of legitimacy of the MPR, even after a revamp of its
membership, is reinforced by the internal wrangling of the ruling
Golkar political organization, reflected in the recriminations
tossed back and forth between its national board and the board of
patrons. Meanwhile, the United Development Party (PPP) has long
lost its legitimacy since it betrayed its voters by joining
Golkar in nominating Soeharto and B.J.Habibie.

One cannot say the so-called Soerjadi branch of the Indonesian
Democratic Party (PDI) has also lost its legitimacy for the same
reason. Even worse, it never had legitimacy in the first place.

What may be the alternative?

We need a new national consensus, promoted by a fresh
coalition among all proreform nationalist groups beyond racial,
ethnic, religious, cultural and other sectarian boundaries. It
should have a view to forming a provisional government to
overcome the worsening economic crisis and to prepare a free and
fair election for a totally reformed Indonesia. We must return to
the spirit of the Youth Pledge.

Would that be constitutional? Yes, in the substantive, if not
formal sense. It would bring back sovereignty to the people in
what could be termed the Indonesian style of people power.