Nervous Acehnese make political calculations

Nervous Acehnese make political calculations

Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, Sociologist, Jakarta

There are various political calculations regarding Aceh; for
instance, the planned military operation estimated to cost more
than Rp 1 trillion for the first six months; or speculation of
corruption regarding funds of Rp 6 trillion for the province, of
which the local administration will only manage Rp 1.5 trillion.

Yet, regardless of all the calculations, the sense of security
among the Acehnese has become increasingly shaken since a full
alert status was declared for the region.

In Kutaraja, people do not go out after 9 p.m. Given the
searches launched by the military, residents avoid getting into
trouble by staying indoors. The homes of activists, however,
could become targets for raids simply if authorities say they
have received a tip that cannabis or documents of the Free Aceh
Movement (GAM) are on the premises. In a number of instances,
troops were on the scene, reportedly abducting and torturing the
activists before releasing them.

Even human rights activists from Jakarta are no exception,
such as Johnson Panjaitan of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human
Rights Association (PBHI). Strangely, he was terrorized after
reporting his case to the police and the culprits were not found.

In this tense atmosphere, a local councillor whispered to me
that the Acehnese have their own political calculation.

We remember first president Sukarno, who shed tears at the
grand Baiturrahman mosque in Banda Aceh. He wept because of a
request to put his promise to Aceh in writing. But he failed to
keep his pledge to grant Aceh exclusive regional status for
having contributed assets to Indonesia's exiled government and
the republic's continuity. Aceh was merged into the republic, and
Sukarno fell in an attempted military coup.

The next president, Soeharto, again promised special status to
the people of Aceh at the same mosque. However, through Law No.
5/1974 on regional administration, Aceh lost not only its special
position; its society and culture crumbled. It was made a
military operation zone (DOM) from 1989-1998, ending shortly
after Soeharto stepped down.

His successor B.J. Habibie also pledged to enforce truth and
justice regarding soldiers who committed crimes against humanity
during the DOM period. Yet military operations began again, and
targeted civilian movements in particular. The 1999 elections
were boycotted in the greatest exhibition of civil disobedience
in Indonesia's political history. Later, Habibie lost his
presidential seat in a legislative vote.

Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur, then came to power. He promised
to hold a referendum within the next six months. The upholding of
human rights failed and instead of a referendum, a political
umbrella was provided for the military to launch its operation
through Presidential Instruction No.4/2001. Gus Dur was also
brought down after he was overpowered by Megawati with the
support of military hard-liners. Aceh merely gained a referendum
on applying the syariah.

So the Acehnese have come to their own political calculation
-- that every president of this republic who pledges something to
the people of Aceh at Baiturrahman mosque will fall unless they
keep their promise. So what about Megawati Soekarnoputri?

President Megawati, like her father before her, also tearfully
made a promise to the Acehnese at the same mosque that no
Acehnese blood would be spilled during her term in office. But
the reverse has happened ever since she made that commitment. The
Acehnese now ask: Will Megawati's fate follow that of her
predecessors?

Rational arguments may point to, for instance, comparing the
political orientation and context of the rule of Sukarno and that
of his daughter, who is showing signs of providing a political
umbrella to military hardliners.

Nonetheless, the Acehnese, who are in the grip of fear, have
their own way of reasoning to maintain their political
calculation. In their view, Aceh is the entrance to the Holy Land
so that every deed reaps God's rewards or punishment. The grand
mosque is a place of worship, therefore a promise cannot be
twisted into empty political jargon.

Aceh, they reason, is the land where martyrs are buried,
making it even more sacred. Lying to the people may be seen as
deceiving the martyrs. Furthermore, Aceh's many victims include
widows and orphans, whose prayers receive God's prompt response.

Some perhaps would argue based on religious rationality that
all the unkept promises constitute "political retribution". The
Acehnese once protected leaders of the republic when the
communities outside the restive province were no longer able to
provide refuge to them. The Acehnese also once gave economic,
political and military assets to ensure the republic's continuity
at a vulnerable time when foreign aggressors were trying to take
over the republic.

If in return the Acehnese are subjected to deceptions and
atrocities, they reason that "political retribution" will take
place.

In the end, their reasoning also reflects their capacity for
survival amid the frustration of having been deceived, and their
anger and disappointment for being made victims of crimes against
humanity.

The writer is the author of Dari maaf ke panik Aceh, sebuah
sketsa sosiologi-politik (From apologies to panic on Aceh, a
sociological and political sketch).