Nervous Acehnese make political calculations

Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, Sociologist, Jakarta

There are various political calculations regarding Aceh; for instance, the planned military operation estimated to cost more than Rp 1 trillion for the first six months; or speculation of corruption regarding funds of Rp 6 trillion for the province, of which the local administration will only manage Rp 1.5 trillion.

Yet, regardless of all the calculations, the sense of security among the Acehnese has become increasingly shaken since a full alert status was declared for the region.

In Kutaraja, people do not go out after 9 p.m. Given the searches launched by the military, residents avoid getting into trouble by staying indoors. The homes of activists, however, could become targets for raids simply if authorities say they have received a tip that cannabis or documents of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) are on the premises. In a number of instances, troops were on the scene, reportedly abducting and torturing the activists before releasing them.

Even human rights activists from Jakarta are no exception, such as Johnson Panjaitan of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI). Strangely, he was terrorized after reporting his case to the police and the culprits were not found.

In this tense atmosphere, a local councillor whispered to me that the Acehnese have their own political calculation.

We remember first president Sukarno, who shed tears at the grand Baiturrahman mosque in Banda Aceh. He wept because of a request to put his promise to Aceh in writing. But he failed to keep his pledge to grant Aceh exclusive regional status for having contributed assets to Indonesia's exiled government and the republic's continuity. Aceh was merged into the republic, and Sukarno fell in an attempted military coup.

The next president, Soeharto, again promised special status to the people of Aceh at the same mosque. However, through Law No. 5/1974 on regional administration, Aceh lost not only its special position; its society and culture crumbled. It was made a military operation zone (DOM) from 1989-1998, ending shortly after Soeharto stepped down.

His successor B.J. Habibie also pledged to enforce truth and justice regarding soldiers who committed crimes against humanity during the DOM period. Yet military operations began again, and targeted civilian movements in particular. The 1999 elections were boycotted in the greatest exhibition of civil disobedience in Indonesia's political history. Later, Habibie lost his presidential seat in a legislative vote.

Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur, then came to power. He promised to hold a referendum within the next six months. The upholding of human rights failed and instead of a referendum, a political umbrella was provided for the military to launch its operation through Presidential Instruction No.4/2001. Gus Dur was also brought down after he was overpowered by Megawati with the support of military hard-liners. Aceh merely gained a referendum on applying the syariah.

So the Acehnese have come to their own political calculation -- that every president of this republic who pledges something to the people of Aceh at Baiturrahman mosque will fall unless they keep their promise. So what about Megawati Soekarnoputri?

President Megawati, like her father before her, also tearfully made a promise to the Acehnese at the same mosque that no Acehnese blood would be spilled during her term in office. But the reverse has happened ever since she made that commitment. The Acehnese now ask: Will Megawati's fate follow that of her predecessors?

Rational arguments may point to, for instance, comparing the political orientation and context of the rule of Sukarno and that of his daughter, who is showing signs of providing a political umbrella to military hardliners.

Nonetheless, the Acehnese, who are in the grip of fear, have their own way of reasoning to maintain their political calculation. In their view, Aceh is the entrance to the Holy Land so that every deed reaps God's rewards or punishment. The grand mosque is a place of worship, therefore a promise cannot be twisted into empty political jargon.

Aceh, they reason, is the land where martyrs are buried, making it even more sacred. Lying to the people may be seen as deceiving the martyrs. Furthermore, Aceh's many victims include widows and orphans, whose prayers receive God's prompt response.

Some perhaps would argue based on religious rationality that all the unkept promises constitute "political retribution". The Acehnese once protected leaders of the republic when the communities outside the restive province were no longer able to provide refuge to them. The Acehnese also once gave economic, political and military assets to ensure the republic's continuity at a vulnerable time when foreign aggressors were trying to take over the republic.

If in return the Acehnese are subjected to deceptions and atrocities, they reason that "political retribution" will take place.

In the end, their reasoning also reflects their capacity for survival amid the frustration of having been deceived, and their anger and disappointment for being made victims of crimes against humanity.

The writer is the author of Dari maaf ke panik Aceh, sebuah sketsa sosiologi-politik (From apologies to panic on Aceh, a sociological and political sketch).