Nationalism's ethnic identity crisis

By Aboeprijadi Santoso

AMSTERDAM, The Netherlands (JP): Of all public and human symbols, the flag may be the most conspicuous, and blood the most dramatic. As the flag symbolizes the common cause of an independence movement, blood signifies the readiness to die for the cause.

In post-Cold War Europe, this phenomenon is associated with the revival of ethnic nationalism, yet it had also been part of post-World War nationalism. The Serbs or Croats may be as spiritually and emotionally attached to their flags as the Indonesian freedom fighters were when they vowed to defend the nation "until the last drop of our blood" some 50 years ago.

Both had been moved by what the researcher Ben Anderson calls (their) "imagined community."

However, the nature of the ethnic-based aspirations is basically different from the nationalism of the 1940s.

It is the competition between mainstream nationalism and ethnic nationalism that may characterize the changing reality of Indonesia and its future.

Aceh and Irian Jaya -- each with distinct ethnic self- perception and independence aspirations -- share December as their most symbolic and, hence, critical moment.

On Dec. 4 1999, the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) held for the first time a public commemoration of the anniversary of its independence declaration. A year later, on Dec. 1, 2000, the Papuan Council held a similar event.

Both events were met with great public interest, reflecting the local moods and current conditions.

In Aceh the Dec. 4, 1999 event was preceded by a series of civil protests, culminating in the Nov. 8 mass demand for a referendum. As Dec. 4 drew closer and as President Abdurrahman Wahid rejected a military emergency suggested by then defense minister Gen. Wiranto, the military top brass was in panic, threatening to prohibit the GAM flag. As a result, fear and uncertainty grew.

The conflict was resolved only after GAM commander Abdullah Syafei's message -- urging the public not to hoist the GAM flag -- was responded to with a reconciliatory call by then local troika, Governor Mahmud Syamsuddin and the army and police chiefs (allowing the public to celebrate Dec. 4 with GAM flags except in government offices).

Without this, blood would have spilled in Pidie, North and East Aceh, where many people celebrated the day by publicly flying the GAM flag.

Jakarta had thus lost the battle, but the compromise had made peace on Dec. 4 1999 possible. Five months later, President Abdurrahman Wahid's government and GAM signed the historic truce called the "humanitarian pause".

Yet, only a year later, in an attempt to break the strength of the local civil society, shots were fired killing several people who came to attend another pro-referendum mass meeting, SIRA- RAKAN.

One leader, Mohammad Nazar, became the first post-Soeharto political prisoner. The Acehnese velvet changes came to an end, leaving the truce facing an increasingly violent intrusion of both state armed forces and GAM.

On Dec. 1, 2000 as people in Irian Jaya, in a move to demand the return of their sovereignty through peaceful dialog, attempted to celebrate what they saw as their independence day, Jakarta responded with sticks rather than carrots.

The commemoration in Jayapura was reduced to a politically insignificant "Thanksgiving Prayer" controlled by a massive police force. But with strong pressure from Jakarta, military show of force and the arrest of five prominent pro-independence leaders preceding Dec. 1, bloody flag incidents inevitably occurred in many places.

Shortly before, serious clashes had occurred in Wamena and elsewhere as people displayed their resistance by hoisting the (Bintang Kejora) (Morning Star) flag.

Common nationalist spirit was evident as the locals treated the GAM flag and the Morning Star as a holy symbol to be defended with bloody sacrifice.

In East Timor, the Falintil guerrillas used to salute Patria ou Morte (homeland or death) to boast their own pride and heroism. Fifty years ago, Ibu Soed, who composed one of Indonesia's most popular national songs, Berkibarlah Benderaku (Fly, my flag), conveyed the same spirit: "Fly, my flag, symbol of holiness, heroism and courage".

Yet the cases of Aceh and Irian Jaya not only illustrate expressions of nationalist spirit and popular demands, of which GAM and the Papuan pro-independent activists had taken full political advantage of; these cases also express religious spirit rooted in popular consciousness.

At a GAM ceremony, the GAM flag was hoisted with the Islamic call for prayer, whereas in Jayapura hopes were expressed in Christian terms.

What is distinct, though, is the apparent exclusive nature of ethnic aspirations. GAM's propaganda had pictured the Acehnese as being historically radically distinct from other peoples. The Papuans, too, tend to emphasize their uniqueness. "As a black people, let us revitalize our culture. Merdeka! (Freedom!)," one leader shouted at the commemoration day.

The repressive stand of Jakarta, meaning the army, vis a vis local aspirations has threatened decentralization and democratization, including respect for the right to self- determination (not the same as the right to a separate state) by creating an iron fist in a velvet glove for a reformist regime.

However, ethnic nationalism also raises key issues. Can it go hand in hand with a democratic process channeling popular demands? Questions have been raised over the extent of ethnic cleansing when tens of thousands of non-Acehnese i.e. Javanese and Batak-Christian migrants fled violence in Aceh to Belawan in North Sumatra and the South Aceh border -- a problem overshadowed by the spectacular cleansing by head hunters in Kalimantan.

Some observers have recently indicated, that for Indonesia to survive, Indonesian nationalism will have to undergo some sort of crisis and redefine itself.

In a discussion in Amsterdam, the Maluku sociologist Thamrin Tomagola argued that, as both state and society weakens, ethno- religious nationalism in several regions has gained importance over "state-nationalism" left by the old New Order.

Taking a lesson from Maluku's civil war, he calls for a "modern civil-nationalism" to build local pillars in order to strengthen society.

It is true that the New Order nationalism had been repressive and aggressive in the past, but it is doubtful whether those in civil society -- non-governmental organizations, the press and political parties, would be able to empower themselves so as to prevail over the state, the army and its brand of nationalism.

Earlier, in Amsterdam, the writer Gunawan Mohamad had argued that Indonesian nationalism has arrived at its "ethical moment".

In the post-Cold War era, he warned, the idea of nation assumes itself as automatically flowing from ethnic identity, and, as a result, dangerously runs against some universal values embedded in the nationalism of Gandhi, Soekarno and now Nelson Mandela.

"In the idea of Indonesia, the factors of ethnicity, race and religion never took great importance. We saw that in the political parties founded by Douwes Dekker and Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo and in nationalist, Marxist, communist and socialist parties," Gunawan said. "There was something universal, so that different people could find a common wish in a common bond."

He added, "It is the New Order, the Army in particular, that made people leave Indonesia. They turned "Sabang to Merauke" (in references to extreme western and eastern tips of Indonesia -- Ed.) to an idea of brotherhood of diverse peoples, into a pride of power and might ..."

In other words, geography should not be sacred.

"We may be without Aceh or Papua, but we should keep Indonesia as a project and process, a never ending one, of pluralism -- a common commitment to respect differences," Gunawan concluded.

The cases of Aceh and Irian Jaya suggest that the confrontation between state nationalism and ethnic-nationalism has entered a dangerous phase.

With the security campaign starting in Aceh, the pendulum has swung to a repressive trend, destroying what was left of that "idea of brotherhood."

The dynamics of flag and blood have only just began.

The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.