Nahdlatul Ulama politics should be reinterpreted
Muhaimin Syamsuddin, Jakarta
The politics of 30-million-strong Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has been interpreted as the day-to-day politics of anyone who makes use of traditional Islamic symbols. This results in the belief that anyone who wants to take political advantage of Nahdliyins (NU members), must build associations with NU leaders -- either the tandfidziyah (NU's executive board) or the syuriah (NU's advisory council), or kyai (clerics) or ulema.
Up until and including the April 5 legislative election, such an interpretation was based upon fact. It was then that the National Awakening Party (PKB) -- a party traditionally affiliated with the NU -- came out as one of the top three with 11,989,564 voters (10.57 percent), after Golkar (21.58 percent) and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) (18.53 percent).
However, the provisional tally of the July 5th presidential election has shaken up this belief. The victory of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla ticket -- which has less "NU orientation" -- over Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi and Wiranto-Solahudin Wahid -- who are able to use NU symbols -- in East Java, the NU's home base, and most of the provinces, is a strong signal that such a traditional interpretation of NU politics is no longer solid.
Hasyim Muzadi, as the top leader of the NU National Board (PBNU), and Solahuddin Wahid, as Abdurrahman Wahid's brother -- a central figure in NU over the last two decades -- received less votes than expected from Nahdliyins in East Java.
This phenomenon clearly reflects changes in electoral behavior among Nahdliyins. First, it confirms that ideological or religious commitments are no longer the only factors that influence the Nahdliyin vote.
Second, the Susilo-Kalla ticket's win against Mega-Hasyim, as well as Wiranto-Wahid, in East Java indicates that religious leaders among NU's community are losing influence.
As a traditional Islamic community, Nahdliyins depend upon religious leaders or kyai -- not only in their religious life, but also in social and political fields. Each time, prior to the general election, NU leaders deliver a statement or fatwa that tells Nahdlyins who to vote for.
Such a statement is usually strategic and powerful, but not this time.
Though most kyai and big pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools run by the NU) -- such as Pesantren Lirboyo Kediri, Genggong Probolinggo and Sukorejo Situbondo -- are supporters of Hasyim Muzadi, and the kyais delivered a statement to NU members and santri (pesantren students) to vote for Hasyim, the Mega-Hasyim ticket only garnered about 28 percent of the vote in East Java.
Similarly, the Wiranto-Wahid ticket that is supported by Abdurrahman Wahid and Abdullah Faqih -- the most influential kyai of the PKB, and the leader of Pesantren Langitan Tuban -- only got roughly 25 percent of the vote in East Java.
On the other hand, the Susilo-Kalla ticket won around 36 percent of the vote in that province. This clearly indicates that the role of NU leaders in politics is decreasing significantly -- but, why now?
The urbanization process has contributed a lot to the decreasing role of the kyai in the NU. As an increasing number of Nahdliyins have moved to live in cities, they are faced with new and different social structures. In this case, kyai are no longer able to guide their way of life, particularly socially and politically.
The modernization of pesantren is also significant in this respect. Pesantren are central to the development of the NU. Since pesantren students study a variety of Islamic issues, from theology to Islamic law or sharia, and students begin to come forward to interpret Islamic knowledge, the kyai have to share their right to interpret Islamic knowledge with these students.
The appearance of pesantren-based NGOs and NU young intellectuals with liberal, progressive and radical thinking are also signs of change. A long time ago, this phenomenon was rare. Besides which, and ironically, a certain dogma in Islamic knowledge apparently leaves it open to interpretation. Thus, the truth in the eyes of Nahdliyins is not always single.
Nahdliyins learn that it is advisable not to take one side in a controversial conflict. So, when Hasyim Muzadi and Abdurrahman Wahid were involved in a controversial conflict prior to the presidential election -- regarding who was eligible to run -- most Nahdliyins were not willing to take a side.
Therefore, Nahdliyins feel free to vote for other tickets, besides Mega-Hasyim and Wiranto-Wahid. That is why Susilo-Kalla garnered the largest number of votes in East Java.
The NU is no longer a captive political market monopolized by kyai who are able to make use of NU symbols. The NU is now a free political market that can be penetrated by any politician.
The writer is a journalist with Majalah Aula; Nahdlatul Ulama Monthly Magazine and can be reached at muhaimin_asusastra@yahoo.com