Myth of strong state under threat

Myth of strong state under threat

Political scientist Cornelis LAY from the Yogyakarta-based
University of Gadjah Mada says state symbols have become the
target of people's resentment in recent years and the government
should promptly remedy the situation.

YOGYAKARTA (JP): For a long time the New Order government has
been considered a strong state. It is supposed to hold absolute
autonomy devoid of pressures and demands of the people and is
perceived as having nearly absolute power over the community.

The consequence is that various efforts to understand
Indonesian politics are invariably made through an exploration of
the state. The most common analysis is intra-bureaucratic in
nature. In many cases, it is reduced to the analysis of
"centrally" driven politics. Hence, understanding Indonesian
politics is understanding Jakarta's politics. It is rare to find
an analysis from the viewpoint of marginal people.

But recent developments have brought forward different signs.
Violence arising from people's anarchical energy channeled into
sociopolitical riots have started to rip the shroud of the myth
of a strong state. The use of violence as a social, economic and
political negotiating instrument by the community, vaguely
discloses the serious frailty of the New Order government.

The community dearly pays for the consequences of social
unrest. But on closer observation, each case shows the state is
targeted even more. There are three main state symbols targeted
by the people.

First, political symbols and public service. This clearly came
to light in the Tanah Abang incident on Jan. 28, 1997. The
subdistrict office, a state symbol at local community level, was
ravaged by a mob of people. Second, the symbol of law enforcement
and justice as reflected by the burning down of the office of the
court of justice in Situbondo on Oct. 10 last year.

Third, the symbol of the guardian of social order and
security. The military were directly attacked in nearly all the
riots. In Medan, North Sumatra, even military barracks came under
attack. In the bloody ethnic conflict in West Kalimantan, a
military post sheltering refugees from one of the ethnic groups,
became a target of repeated assaults. It was said that in some
cases the military were even compelled to abandon the people
under their care to the attackers.

Police stations have also been the target of attacks in many
provinces. A few years ago all police stations and barracks in
Kupang, East Nusatenggara, had to be protected by the military
for days. In Pekanbaru, Riau, a police post became a target of
attack. Similar cases occurred in Pasuruan. In Tasikmalaya, the
symbol of the guardian of social order was attacked when police
stations were ravaged by the people.

People vented their anger openly toward bureaucrats, judges,
prosecutors, the police, the military, and other functionaries.
This display of anger was not new. But in the 1970s and 1980s the
discontent was directed to individuals within the bureaucracy who
were supposed to have abused their power.

In recent years, the people's frustration is no longer
directed to individuals but toward the state symbols at the
community level. The community has realized that their various
problems stem not from erring individuals but a product of the
state as a collective institution, which is conspiratory in
nature.

The consequences are evident. It is now more common to see
supposedly erring officials being chased into a narrow alley, the
opposite of what was happening only a few years ago.

In previous years the state -- symbolically represented by
official cars and the uniforms of the Indonesian Civil Servants
Corps (Korpri) -- could freely and proudly move around displaying
their omnipotent power even outside work hours. Now, especially
close to the election, official vehicles in many regions have
double license plates. Private license plates are used when
government officials move around in the community. Official
license plates are only used in areas considered safe from
possible community resentment.

In the past, the Korpri uniform was a symbol of social pride
and prestige and was even donned at wedding parties. But now,
especially during the election campaign, it has become a kind of
an anathema for many civil servants. Therefore, it is not
surprising that now and during campaign, the Korpri uniform has
disappeared from the public eye and is only seen in office
surroundings.

This discloses the state's fragile side. The New Order is now
under great pressure exerted by people's inner resentment. The
New Order state looks like a terrifying giant on the outside, but
stores within itself various flaws and chronic ills.

When the three main symbols at community level become the most
targeted enemies of the community, and the state apparatus does
not dare to be present among the people naturally, we can no
longer speak of the state. This is a risky situation.

Indonesia needs a strong state to exist amid a dynamic
community. Therefore, the New Order government must achieve the
status of a clean state and clean government before the existing
system runs without a system.

The writer is a lecturer at the School of Political Sciences
at Gadjah Mada University.