Myth of strong state under threat

Political scientist Cornelis LAY from the Yogyakarta-based University of Gadjah Mada says state symbols have become the target of people's resentment in recent years and the government should promptly remedy the situation.

YOGYAKARTA (JP): For a long time the New Order government has been considered a strong state. It is supposed to hold absolute autonomy devoid of pressures and demands of the people and is perceived as having nearly absolute power over the community.

The consequence is that various efforts to understand Indonesian politics are invariably made through an exploration of the state. The most common analysis is intra-bureaucratic in nature. In many cases, it is reduced to the analysis of "centrally" driven politics. Hence, understanding Indonesian politics is understanding Jakarta's politics. It is rare to find an analysis from the viewpoint of marginal people.

But recent developments have brought forward different signs. Violence arising from people's anarchical energy channeled into sociopolitical riots have started to rip the shroud of the myth of a strong state. The use of violence as a social, economic and political negotiating instrument by the community, vaguely discloses the serious frailty of the New Order government.

The community dearly pays for the consequences of social unrest. But on closer observation, each case shows the state is targeted even more. There are three main state symbols targeted by the people.

First, political symbols and public service. This clearly came to light in the Tanah Abang incident on Jan. 28, 1997. The subdistrict office, a state symbol at local community level, was ravaged by a mob of people. Second, the symbol of law enforcement and justice as reflected by the burning down of the office of the court of justice in Situbondo on Oct. 10 last year.

Third, the symbol of the guardian of social order and security. The military were directly attacked in nearly all the riots. In Medan, North Sumatra, even military barracks came under attack. In the bloody ethnic conflict in West Kalimantan, a military post sheltering refugees from one of the ethnic groups, became a target of repeated assaults. It was said that in some cases the military were even compelled to abandon the people under their care to the attackers.

Police stations have also been the target of attacks in many provinces. A few years ago all police stations and barracks in Kupang, East Nusatenggara, had to be protected by the military for days. In Pekanbaru, Riau, a police post became a target of attack. Similar cases occurred in Pasuruan. In Tasikmalaya, the symbol of the guardian of social order was attacked when police stations were ravaged by the people.

People vented their anger openly toward bureaucrats, judges, prosecutors, the police, the military, and other functionaries. This display of anger was not new. But in the 1970s and 1980s the discontent was directed to individuals within the bureaucracy who were supposed to have abused their power.

In recent years, the people's frustration is no longer directed to individuals but toward the state symbols at the community level. The community has realized that their various problems stem not from erring individuals but a product of the state as a collective institution, which is conspiratory in nature.

The consequences are evident. It is now more common to see supposedly erring officials being chased into a narrow alley, the opposite of what was happening only a few years ago.

In previous years the state -- symbolically represented by official cars and the uniforms of the Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (Korpri) -- could freely and proudly move around displaying their omnipotent power even outside work hours. Now, especially close to the election, official vehicles in many regions have double license plates. Private license plates are used when government officials move around in the community. Official license plates are only used in areas considered safe from possible community resentment.

In the past, the Korpri uniform was a symbol of social pride and prestige and was even donned at wedding parties. But now, especially during the election campaign, it has become a kind of an anathema for many civil servants. Therefore, it is not surprising that now and during campaign, the Korpri uniform has disappeared from the public eye and is only seen in office surroundings.

This discloses the state's fragile side. The New Order is now under great pressure exerted by people's inner resentment. The New Order state looks like a terrifying giant on the outside, but stores within itself various flaws and chronic ills.

When the three main symbols at community level become the most targeted enemies of the community, and the state apparatus does not dare to be present among the people naturally, we can no longer speak of the state. This is a risky situation.

Indonesia needs a strong state to exist amid a dynamic community. Therefore, the New Order government must achieve the status of a clean state and clean government before the existing system runs without a system.

The writer is a lecturer at the School of Political Sciences at Gadjah Mada University.