Myanmar's friends
"The old Moulmein Pagoda, lookin' lazy at the sea", the gentle "Burma girl a-settin'", and the temple bells calling out for the British soldier to "come you back to Mandalay". Such was the beauty inked in Rudyard Kipling's Mandalay.
A century later the land and peoples of Myanmar (Burma) retain their idyllic charm, yet the headlines of the day almost invariably concern political cruelty.
Few countries over the last 14 years have politically stagnated as much as Myanmar. There remains as little hope for political change and openness today as there was in 1990 when the military regime nullified the results of the first free, multiparty elections in 30 years after it became evident that Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) would win the election. In fact, the situation in Myanmar now remains as grim now as it was in 1962 when the military launched a coup.
This week we can only look discouragingly from afar as hard- line elements in Myanmar's military junta consolidate their control by ousting Prime Minister Gen. Khin Nyunt.
Though not particulerly known as a democrat, Khin Nyunt was at least perceived as taking a softer approach by advocating the so- called roadmap to democracy. His replacement, Lt. Gen Soe Win, has taken over with the blessing of senior Gen. Than Shwe, who remains hostile to dialog with Suu Kyi's party.
Indonesia should not unnecessarily intrude on Yangon's domestic affairs. Though hard to believe, there may be truth in the official Myanmar media reports that Khin Nyut "retired" due to health problems.
However, as a newly democratic nation and bedfellow of Myanmar in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Yangon's actions put Indonesia -- along with other ASEAN members -- in a delicate predicament.
Firstly, the domestic lobby here will increasingly question the Indonesian government's intimate engagement with a regime that does not respect the results of its own people's democractic election.
As a nation which can now claim to have a government "by the people", Indonesia is obliged to encourage the embracing of the democratic spirit by friends and neighbors. Not in the way the U.S. seems to take "manifest destiny" to heart, but by gentle reminders and encouragement that a country has more to gain than lose by opening itself up to democracy.
Secondly, developments in Yangon have placed Indonesia and other ASEAN members in a difficult position vis-a-vis its relations with Europe and the United States.
ASEAN has gone out of its way to befriend Yangon. While the "West" was adopting isolationist policies, ASEAN firmly believed that engagement would be the most constructive policy. When Washington imposed new sanctions on Yangon in 1997, ASEAN opened its doors to admit the country as a member of the regional grouping.
But there is only so much a friend can take. Loyalty does not come at the price of sacrificing oneself in defense of a system that is -- frankly speaking -- corrupt, inhumane and which violates every universal basic right.
At present, the hope of a more democratic and open society seems even more distant. Even Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda conceded that "hopes that she (Suu Kyi) would be released under the current administration are even slimmer."
Yangon's recalcitrance is making its neighbors defense of it look utterly stupid. It is wearing its neighbors' patience thin.
Friendship is reciprocal. The time has come for Yangon to show concessions, if not now then by the time the ASEAN Summit is held in Vientiane next month. Otherwise Yangon will be increasingly hard pressed to find a real friend even within ASEAN.