Musharraf can learn from RI

Musharraf can learn from RI

Ali Dayan Hasan, New York

On his visit to Indonesia this week, President General
Musharraf, the Pakistani strongman who came to power in a 1999
coup and the post-Sept. 11 darling of the West, has much to learn
from Indonesia's success at pursuing a secular political culture
and marginalizing militant Islam from the mainstream political
domain.

President Musharraf would undoubtedly agree with these goals,
but his actions often belie his words. Musharraf loves to say
that his government operates on the principle of "enlightened
moderation." On the one hand, this involves putting the genie of
Islamist politics and militancy, unleashed by the Pakistan Army
in the 1980s and 1990s, back into the bottle.

On the other, Musharraf will tell anyone willing to listen
that he replaced a "sham democracy" with a real one (though,
unlike in Indonesia, he has refused to hold a presidential
election).

Last week, both "enlightened moderation" and the "real
democracy" were in action.

From April 14-16, thousands of supporters of Benazir Bhutto's
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) were arrested in a country-wide
crackdown. The mass arrests were conducted in order to prevent a
public reception for Bhutto's husband Asif Zardari on his return
from a trip to Dubai to meet his family. Zardari, was released on
bail last November after spending eight years in prison on
corruption charges, though he was never convicted.

PPP supporters who managed to reach the Lahore party
headquarters near the airport and the airport itself were dragged
away by the police. Many, including women, were manhandled by
police officers and beaten when they attempted to chant slogans
or protest police brutality. At least three women were severely
injured and have been hospitalized.

Journalists were detained at the airport for several hours and
their cell phones and camera equipment were snatched and footage
destroyed. Other reporters faced intimidation in attempting to
cover events in a city effectively cordoned off by thousands of
police personnel.

This was not, however, a crackdown against Islamist militants.
The PPP had made it clear that the event was not even a protest
rally.

The PPP, the single largest political party in Pakistan,
avowedly liberal and secular -- and with a long record of
corruption and poor governance -- finds itself in an unusual
situation. The stated foreign and domestic policy aims of
Musharraf's military government now echo its own manifesto. It
thus seems that a marriage of convenience between the PPP and
Musharraf is all but inevitable.

This would bring the PPP back into a power-sharing arrangement
with the Pakistan Army -- the most any civilian political group
can aspire to in the context of a hyper-militarized state. It
would provide Musharraf with real, meaningful political support,
enabling him to pursue "enlightened moderation" full throttle. So
what's the hitch?

Political observers believe the crackdown resulted from a
deadlock in negotiations between the Musharraf government and the
PPP. While Musharraf has now started acknowledging publicly that
the PPP is the principal secular political force in the country
and a party he must deal with, the reality is that Pakistan's
military is dedicated, above all, to the preservation of its
monopoly on power.

Consequently, it is simply not interested in real power-
sharing with a legitimate civilian power-block. To that end, the
military wants the PPP to accept Musharraf's continued dual role
as president and army chief. Fearing Bhutto's popularity, the
military also insists on her "non-participation" in the political
process, including in elections due in 2007. Thus far, Bhutto has
refused. Hence the crackdown.

So if this is how the Pakistani military treats those who
share its alleged vision, how does it treat its stated enemies?
It is instructive to consider the military's relations with the
Muttaheda Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), an alliance of Islamist parties
that controls the North West Frontier Province bordering
Afghanistan and polled 10 percent of the national vote in the
2002 election.

The MMA does not appear to believe in basic freedoms such as
equal rights for women, freedom to worship according to one's
conscience, and freedom of expression. Its members schooled and
trained the Taliban and it wishes to impose Sharia, Islamic law,
as the basic law in Pakistan. In many ways if is the enemy of
enlightened moderation.

Presumably, a military committed to enlightened moderation
would oppose such a party. Well, not quite. The reality is that
the MMA is a virtual creation of Musharraf. In 2002 Musharraf and
the military needed an outlet for popular anger at Pakistan's
post-Sept. 11 alliance with the United States.

So the military took steps to ensure a featured political role
for the Islamist alliance. To ensure MMA candidates could stand,
Musharraf issued instructions that Madrassah certificates be
recognized as equivalent to a university degree.

In contravention of parliamentary practice, the government
appointed Maulana Fazlur Rahman, an MMA leader, as leader of the
opposition in the National Assembly, even though the PPP-led
Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy had more members of
Parliament. The MMA then joined hands with Musharraf to pass a
constitutional amendment that ostensibly legalized Musharraf's
1999 coup and made him an "elected" president.

Indonesia still faces many challenges, not least in reining in
its military in places like Aceh and Papua, ending the massive
corruption in the TNI that fuels human rights abuses, and holding
TNI members accountable for their actions in places like East
Timor and Aceh. There are still tensions between secular and
"green" forces in the military and in the wider political culture
that have yet to be fully resolved in favor of a tolerant and
rights-respecting political culture.

Yet Indonesia offers a valuable lesson that the Pakistani
military establishment has yet to learn -- that decades of
authoritarian rule and the military's political and economic
predominance ultimately failed to thwart the desire of average
citizens for a more inclusive politics that respects basic rights
and limits the power of men in uniform.

Perhaps most important, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a
former general, can explain to President Musharraf, a current
general, that there is life after military rule and that
Pakistan, like Indonesia, would be better off with an elected
president in a suit instead of a uniform.

The writer covers Pakistan for the New York-based Human Rights
Watch.