Much-ado about might

Much-ado about might

There is much fuss about power in Indonesia today.

A debate has raged since President Soeharto spoke about the
possibility of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which
will convene in March, reviving an old ruling which bestows a
special power on the president.

The idea, which for many people still needs clarification, was
spontaneously supported by the government-backed Golkar. This
kind of reaction has long been a part of our political culture
but, this time, the President's suggestion will undoubtedly have
far-reaching consequences for the country's constitutional
system.

The special power in question was first passed by the
Provisional People's Consultative Assembly in 1966. It confirmed
president Sukarno's special mandate to the then Army Chief Lt.
Gen. Soeharto (now President) to restore order in the wake of the
1965 abortive coup attempt, blamed on the now outlawed Indonesian
Communist Party.

Gen. Soeharto used the special power, among other things, to
ban the communist party, a step which was warmly supported by the
majority of Indonesians. The four MPR sessions between 1973 and
1988 maintained the decree but in 1993 it was not deliberated.

The question now is why the revival of the long-dormant decree
is suddenly needed? The government repeatedly says there is
political stability, the situation is under control and the
nation's economic development is the pride of the New Order.
These statements do not sound like PR gimmicks. Moreover,
Soeharto is at the peak of his power and success and his re-
election does not pose any serious challenge.

There is no reason to make believe that we are now in an
emergency situation, such as in 1965 when the communists tried to
seize power. So the question of relevancy is logical.

The wisdom behind the questions becomes more clear amid
familiar complaints that the President has more power than the
legislative and judicial branches of the government, while the
national constitution calls for them to be of equal strength.

On the other hand, extra constitutional power given to the
President unavoidably reduces the people's civic rights. So
reviving such a decree would be a blatant setback for this
country. It will also serve to confuse foreign nations about
where this nation is heading. After all, there is a swift global
trend to move toward openness and enhanced democratic values.

The next question, therefore, is for whom the decree is meant.
It is hard to believe that Soeharto himself needs such a decree
because his power is so solid. This is perhaps the reason that
some have come to believe that the person who fills his shoes
will need the extra power.

It is seen as an historical fact that whoever becomes the
third president of the republic will not enjoy the same
legitimacy and influence as the other two national leaders.
Sukarno was a founding father of the republic and Soeharto saved
the nation from a disastrous political crisis in 1965.

However, any weakness on the part of the new president does
not condone the endowment of an extra constitutional power. The
constitution, as the authorities have always claimed, is the
nation's guiding star and the reference point in the event of a
crisis.

This discussion, strangely, has been provoked by a lack of
deliberation. It is the duty of political groupings, who have
voiced support for the idea, to help shed some light on it or
seek clarification from the President. Otherwise they will leave
the average person in the dark about this important matter.

If the political organizations, that will play such
significant roles in the March's MPR session, fail to do so it
will be to the detriment of the people who voted for them at the
general election.

This is to say, if the President himself is not planning to
gauge the capabilities of the newly elected legislators based on
the way they handle the idea of resurrecting the special power.
Anything is possible.