Much-ado about might

There is much fuss about power in Indonesia today.

A debate has raged since President Soeharto spoke about the possibility of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which will convene in March, reviving an old ruling which bestows a special power on the president.

The idea, which for many people still needs clarification, was spontaneously supported by the government-backed Golkar. This kind of reaction has long been a part of our political culture but, this time, the President's suggestion will undoubtedly have far-reaching consequences for the country's constitutional system.

The special power in question was first passed by the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly in 1966. It confirmed president Sukarno's special mandate to the then Army Chief Lt. Gen. Soeharto (now President) to restore order in the wake of the 1965 abortive coup attempt, blamed on the now outlawed Indonesian Communist Party.

Gen. Soeharto used the special power, among other things, to ban the communist party, a step which was warmly supported by the majority of Indonesians. The four MPR sessions between 1973 and 1988 maintained the decree but in 1993 it was not deliberated.

The question now is why the revival of the long-dormant decree is suddenly needed? The government repeatedly says there is political stability, the situation is under control and the nation's economic development is the pride of the New Order. These statements do not sound like PR gimmicks. Moreover, Soeharto is at the peak of his power and success and his re- election does not pose any serious challenge.

There is no reason to make believe that we are now in an emergency situation, such as in 1965 when the communists tried to seize power. So the question of relevancy is logical.

The wisdom behind the questions becomes more clear amid familiar complaints that the President has more power than the legislative and judicial branches of the government, while the national constitution calls for them to be of equal strength.

On the other hand, extra constitutional power given to the President unavoidably reduces the people's civic rights. So reviving such a decree would be a blatant setback for this country. It will also serve to confuse foreign nations about where this nation is heading. After all, there is a swift global trend to move toward openness and enhanced democratic values.

The next question, therefore, is for whom the decree is meant. It is hard to believe that Soeharto himself needs such a decree because his power is so solid. This is perhaps the reason that some have come to believe that the person who fills his shoes will need the extra power.

It is seen as an historical fact that whoever becomes the third president of the republic will not enjoy the same legitimacy and influence as the other two national leaders. Sukarno was a founding father of the republic and Soeharto saved the nation from a disastrous political crisis in 1965.

However, any weakness on the part of the new president does not condone the endowment of an extra constitutional power. The constitution, as the authorities have always claimed, is the nation's guiding star and the reference point in the event of a crisis.

This discussion, strangely, has been provoked by a lack of deliberation. It is the duty of political groupings, who have voiced support for the idea, to help shed some light on it or seek clarification from the President. Otherwise they will leave the average person in the dark about this important matter.

If the political organizations, that will play such significant roles in the March's MPR session, fail to do so it will be to the detriment of the people who voted for them at the general election.

This is to say, if the President himself is not planning to gauge the capabilities of the newly elected legislators based on the way they handle the idea of resurrecting the special power. Anything is possible.