Moving high gear in international diplomacy

By Meidyatama Suryodiningrat

JAKARTA (JP): To say that Indonesia's foreign policy went into high gear in 1994 would be an understatement. But for a brief lull in June, Indonesia's foreign policy was blowing at full steam.

Hosting the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting, being elected to the United Nations Security Council, riots at Galang island, the on-going East Timor saga, activities as regional peace broker, the impasse on the Sipadan and Ligitan island negotiations along with activities as chair of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) have been a source of pride, concern and headache.

Headaches aside, Indonesia's excursions into the international arena this year have boosted its image as a diplomatic power to be respected and reckoned with.

Undoubtedly the highlights of the year were the APEC meetings and Indonesia's election as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC).

The sixth APEC Ministerial Meeting was held Nov. 11-12, followed, on Nov. 15, by the economic leaders meeting at Bogor Presidential Palace, West Java.

No matter what critics have subsequently said about the resulting "Bogor Declaration", the fact remains that Jakarta's unrelenting diplomatic vigor managed to squeeze out a nodding consensus from all 18 member economies.

Economic realism aside, Indonesia's diplomacy made history and for many that is what counts, for now.

Though the success of APEC is the result of a combined effort of various ministries, much of the ground work was laid by the foreign ministry.

Lacking the fanfare and media hype of the APEC meeting, officials from the foreign ministry hosted a series of meetings covering three cities, including two-holiday hotspots -- Bali and Yogyakarta -- over the span of nine months.

A month prior to the APEC meeting, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Alatas, at the foreign ministry building, proudly announced Indonesia's election to the Security Council.

Since the start of the year Indonesia has coveted a non-permanent seat and early on expressed confidence in this objective.

An aggressive, yet typically low-keyed, approach was launched to drum-up support as Asia's representative, replacing Pakistan, who end their term on Dec. 31.

The candidacy met with no resistance and on Oct. 20 Indonesia acquired 91 percent of the 184 votes cast at the UN General Assembly.

In 1994 the continuing saga of East Timor persisted in the same tune of protest with no swan song in sight.

The themes of criticism by Non-Governmental Organizations, Fretilin and Lisbon echoed much of the past -- referendum, the 1991 Dili incident and human rights abuses.

However, a rather embarrassing jolt came when South African President Nelson Mandela arrived in September and addressed his concerns on East Timor to President Soeharto.

A new development in the shape of a "people to people" approach took shape this year in the form of the Portugal-Indonesia Friendship Association (PIFA) which engages in contacts among East Timorese on both sides of the debate.

The advent of PIFA, headed by Siti Hardiyanti Rukamana, daughter of President Soeharto, is encouraging, especially considering it sponsored a visit in March by 24 Portuguese of East Timorese descent.

The diplomatic front on East Timor has also produced encouraging results this year with the deferral of East Timor on the UN General Assembly agenda for the 12th straight year.

At the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva, Indonesian diplomats also successfully watered down, if not removed, the mention of East Timor in various documents this year.

Talks at finding an internationally recognized solution continued through the trilateral talks between Indonesian and Portuguese foreign ministers under the aegis of UN Secretary General.

However, the talks seem to be stuck in an exchange of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) and have resulted little in providing a permanent solution.

The most stressing development on the issue of East Timor seems to be a trend by the foes of integration to hold conferences in neighboring ASEAN countries.

In May, the National Council for the Maubere Resistance sponsored a conference on East Timor at the Philippines University in Manila.

Jakarta was up in arms about it and there were ominous signs of a crack in relations between the two countries.

Though government ministers deny any form of intervention, Jakarta's disgust prompted the Ramos government to bar foreigners from the conference, including Irish Nobel laureate Maireed Maguire.

Without overtly flexing its diplomatic muscle, Indonesia's international stature has been growing in proportions and it has begun to exercise its growing clout as a popular peace broker.

The workshop on the South China Sea at Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, in October, demonstrated this growing savvy as a nation capable of generating the respectful attention of others in the region.

Though the workshop only produced a trite set of CBMs on the overlapping claims of the Spratly and Paracel islands, Indonesia's active role is vital in defusing any military action.

The chain of envoys and ministers arriving to solicit Indonesia's support and aid in various international disputes further demonstrates this growing stature.

Both Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic and Prime Minister Haris Siladjzic came separately to gain support for the Bosnian cause.

In April and May alone there were at least three envoys, all bidding for Indonesia's attention, including Cuba's Foreign Minister R. Robaina, Iraq's Foreign Minister Said al-Sahaf and Cameroon envoy Tsanga Abanda, who sought Jakarta's mediation in a dispute with Nigeria over the Bhakhasil island.

Add to this the numerous meetings as chair of NAM, such as the recent Asia-Africa Forum in Bandung to help the development of Africa.

However, the stream of issues being presented Indonesia's way have indirectly taken their toll, with foreign minister Ali Alatas' suffering a "mild heart attack" in late May, requiring a quadruple bypass.

Heart problems should not be a surprising occurrence at the foreign ministry in light of the many predicaments often faced.

The visit to Bali of Taiwan's President Lee Teng-hui in February is one case where diplomats had the arduous task of defending it to the furious Chinese government as a "private visit".

Then there were the riots by the Vietnamese boatpeople at Galang island which accompanied the visit of Vietnam President Le Duc Anh.

Some 500 boat people went on a hunger strike to protest their repatriation home and at least one person died of self-immolation.

Other headaches included the deadlock on negotiations of the disputed Sipadan and Ligitan islands with Malaysia.

After holding talks earlier in the year, Malaysia, at the start of talks in September, surprised Indonesian negotiators by calling for international arbitration.

The talks ended at an impasse and it took a meeting between Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and President Soeharto before the issue cooled down with an agreement to continue further talks.

Despite these minor obstacles, Indonesia, in 1994, no doubt came out a winner in the foreign policy department, punctuating Jakarta's profile abroad.

In fact the whole year has been a careful ascendance towards a crescendo into the international spotlight of APEC and the UNSC. The question now is whether, in 1995, Indonesia can play the leading role it has won.