Money politics lurks behind corruption cases

Money politics lurks behind corruption cases

Muhammad Nafik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Indonesia, a predominantly Muslim country with 210 million
people, is labeled as one of the most corrupt countries. In
theory, Islam as well as other religions prohibit their followers
from bribing and stealing, but in practice, many are involved in
corruption. Why? Because corruption has nothing to do with
religion but is closely related to the country's political and
legal system.

A foreign diplomat here once said: "Corruption is so
transparent in this country." He was recalling his experience
when he witnessed his driver bribing a policeman who stopped his
car for a traffic violation to let it go.

This story is nothing special to many Indonesians. To many it
is one of many minor cases of corruption. Many other similar
cases, however, including the major ones, are left untouched or
unexplained despite the current reform era. Those who travel
abroad to represent Indonesia may be embarrassed by such a
situation.

Both government and political parties lack seriousness and
priority to combat the practices of corruption, collusion and
nepotism (KKN) committed throughout this year and in the past.
Even legislators are under fire for failing to rid themselves of
corrupt practices. Some politicians who drove Toyota Kijang vans
at the start of their careers, rode Jaguars within just two
years.

Money politics topped this year's corruption cases in many
regional and central levels of high state institutions. Such
practices were rampant in many gubernatorial or regent elections
by local legislative councils. As an example, most candidates
from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan)
failed to win a majority despite the party's dominance in local
legislatures. "It a concrete example that proves the involvement
of politicians in money politics," said Teten Masduki,
coordinator of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW).

He said political parties were now the vanguard of corruption
in the country despite the era of democratization and
transparency, as well as the intensive antigraft drive. National
Ombudsmen Commission chairman Antonious Suyata said: "Money
politics is extremely dominant in 2001. In every election of a
regional head, there has been a strong scent of money politics.

He argued that the spread of money politics was due to the
current political reality, in which central or regional
legislative councils are more dominant than the administrations.

This year also saw the first case of bickering within the
House of Representatives since President Megawati Soekarnoputri
took office in July. The bickering concerned the need for a
special committee to investigate a financial scandal in which
Golkar leader/House Akbar Tandjung had been implicated.

The same legislative body had pushed for a similar inquiry
committee to investigate president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid,
leading to his ouster. The Golkar Party, which helped former
dictator Soeharto retain power for 32 years, was at the forefront
of calls for a probe into Gus Dur, but is now opposing the much-
demanded inquiry into Akbar.

It means that law enforcement remains at a standstill on the
part of the legislature and the government, with corruption
across the board threatening to spin out of control under
Megawati's aloof and hands-off management style.

Her appointment of M.A. Rahman as the new attorney general is
deemed a setback for law enforcement following the death on July
3, 2001 of his predecessor Baharuddin Lopa, who was known for his
integrity as a law enforcer.

Rahman is believed to be a promilitary prosecutor who is
expected to offer only lofty promises of justice against
corruptors. His promotion was allegedly a part of bargain between
the military, accused of widespread human rights abuses across
the country, and Megawati, who needs its full backing.

Teten said Rahman was once a member of a joint team
investigating the 1999 violence in East Timor who was loyal to
the military.

"So the military is happy with his appointment," the ICW
coordinator said.

Throughout this year only two high-profile graft cases of
which the suspects, both Soeharto cronies, were both sentenced to
two years in jail. Timber tycoon Muhammad "Bob" Hasan was
imprisoned on Feb. 1 for stealing US$75 million in reforestation
funds, and former head of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog)
Beddu Amang was jailed on Nov. 5 for his role in a land swap deal
that caused Rp 20 billion in state losses. However, Beddu is
still free pending a final verdict on his appeal to the Supreme
Court.

Justice is also seemingly illusive against many other
suspects, including bankers and top officials suspected of having
misused Rp 138 trillion from the Bank Indonesia liquidity support
(BLBI). The criminal investigations into these figures remain at
unclear and they remain free.

The only highlight this year was the capture on Nov. 28 of
Soeharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra. He was a
fugitive for over one year when he evaded the law after being
sentenced to 18 months in prison for graft. Analysts hoped the
arrest of Tommy signaled a starting point to eradicating
corruption that would boost the image of the police. However, the
hope evaporated as soon as Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Sofjan
Jacoeb gave a welcoming hug to the nation's former most wanted
fugitive and accorded him with special treatment.

Prosecutors have repeatedly failed to drag Soeharto to court
on charges of unlawfully amassing a fortune during his 32-year
autocratic rule. His lawyers and state doctors claim the elderly
former leader is mentally and physically unfit to stand trial.

Since his downfall from power three years ago, Indonesia has
since enacted many new laws to combat corruption. But the
question is whether the legal reforms have changed the country's
judicial system and the people's behavior. The answer must be
"No".

"Until today, we haven't witness any major corruption cases in
court that involved top officials of the past government as part
of the New Order regime's responsibility," noted legal expert
Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara said. "Corrupt practices have even
continued to take place in government bodies, legislative
councils and judicial institutions."

Teten noted warily: "There has been no development at all in
terms of law enforcement throughout this year".

This all shows the absence of political will and commitment
from the government, the legislature and the Supreme Court to
seriously fight corruption. The dismal law enforcement cannot be
separated from the poor integrity of judges who failed to shun
bribes, collusion and power abuses in dealing with graft cases,
particularly those linked to Soeharto and his cronies.

To support the nation's anticorruption drive and step up the
control of state administrators, a "social mobilization" is
urgently needed, otherwise Indonesia will continue to run in
place in the struggle.