Money politics lurks behind corruption cases

Muhammad Nafik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Indonesia, a predominantly Muslim country with 210 million people, is labeled as one of the most corrupt countries. In theory, Islam as well as other religions prohibit their followers from bribing and stealing, but in practice, many are involved in corruption. Why? Because corruption has nothing to do with religion but is closely related to the country's political and legal system.

A foreign diplomat here once said: "Corruption is so transparent in this country." He was recalling his experience when he witnessed his driver bribing a policeman who stopped his car for a traffic violation to let it go.

This story is nothing special to many Indonesians. To many it is one of many minor cases of corruption. Many other similar cases, however, including the major ones, are left untouched or unexplained despite the current reform era. Those who travel abroad to represent Indonesia may be embarrassed by such a situation.

Both government and political parties lack seriousness and priority to combat the practices of corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) committed throughout this year and in the past. Even legislators are under fire for failing to rid themselves of corrupt practices. Some politicians who drove Toyota Kijang vans at the start of their careers, rode Jaguars within just two years.

Money politics topped this year's corruption cases in many regional and central levels of high state institutions. Such practices were rampant in many gubernatorial or regent elections by local legislative councils. As an example, most candidates from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) failed to win a majority despite the party's dominance in local legislatures. "It a concrete example that proves the involvement of politicians in money politics," said Teten Masduki, coordinator of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW).

He said political parties were now the vanguard of corruption in the country despite the era of democratization and transparency, as well as the intensive antigraft drive. National Ombudsmen Commission chairman Antonious Suyata said: "Money politics is extremely dominant in 2001. In every election of a regional head, there has been a strong scent of money politics.

He argued that the spread of money politics was due to the current political reality, in which central or regional legislative councils are more dominant than the administrations.

This year also saw the first case of bickering within the House of Representatives since President Megawati Soekarnoputri took office in July. The bickering concerned the need for a special committee to investigate a financial scandal in which Golkar leader/House Akbar Tandjung had been implicated.

The same legislative body had pushed for a similar inquiry committee to investigate president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, leading to his ouster. The Golkar Party, which helped former dictator Soeharto retain power for 32 years, was at the forefront of calls for a probe into Gus Dur, but is now opposing the much- demanded inquiry into Akbar.

It means that law enforcement remains at a standstill on the part of the legislature and the government, with corruption across the board threatening to spin out of control under Megawati's aloof and hands-off management style.

Her appointment of M.A. Rahman as the new attorney general is deemed a setback for law enforcement following the death on July 3, 2001 of his predecessor Baharuddin Lopa, who was known for his integrity as a law enforcer.

Rahman is believed to be a promilitary prosecutor who is expected to offer only lofty promises of justice against corruptors. His promotion was allegedly a part of bargain between the military, accused of widespread human rights abuses across the country, and Megawati, who needs its full backing.

Teten said Rahman was once a member of a joint team investigating the 1999 violence in East Timor who was loyal to the military.

"So the military is happy with his appointment," the ICW coordinator said.

Throughout this year only two high-profile graft cases of which the suspects, both Soeharto cronies, were both sentenced to two years in jail. Timber tycoon Muhammad "Bob" Hasan was imprisoned on Feb. 1 for stealing US$75 million in reforestation funds, and former head of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog) Beddu Amang was jailed on Nov. 5 for his role in a land swap deal that caused Rp 20 billion in state losses. However, Beddu is still free pending a final verdict on his appeal to the Supreme Court.

Justice is also seemingly illusive against many other suspects, including bankers and top officials suspected of having misused Rp 138 trillion from the Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI). The criminal investigations into these figures remain at unclear and they remain free.

The only highlight this year was the capture on Nov. 28 of Soeharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra. He was a fugitive for over one year when he evaded the law after being sentenced to 18 months in prison for graft. Analysts hoped the arrest of Tommy signaled a starting point to eradicating corruption that would boost the image of the police. However, the hope evaporated as soon as Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Sofjan Jacoeb gave a welcoming hug to the nation's former most wanted fugitive and accorded him with special treatment.

Prosecutors have repeatedly failed to drag Soeharto to court on charges of unlawfully amassing a fortune during his 32-year autocratic rule. His lawyers and state doctors claim the elderly former leader is mentally and physically unfit to stand trial.

Since his downfall from power three years ago, Indonesia has since enacted many new laws to combat corruption. But the question is whether the legal reforms have changed the country's judicial system and the people's behavior. The answer must be "No".

"Until today, we haven't witness any major corruption cases in court that involved top officials of the past government as part of the New Order regime's responsibility," noted legal expert Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara said. "Corrupt practices have even continued to take place in government bodies, legislative councils and judicial institutions."

Teten noted warily: "There has been no development at all in terms of law enforcement throughout this year".

This all shows the absence of political will and commitment from the government, the legislature and the Supreme Court to seriously fight corruption. The dismal law enforcement cannot be separated from the poor integrity of judges who failed to shun bribes, collusion and power abuses in dealing with graft cases, particularly those linked to Soeharto and his cronies.

To support the nation's anticorruption drive and step up the control of state administrators, a "social mobilization" is urgently needed, otherwise Indonesia will continue to run in place in the struggle.