Mondale's mission
Mondale's mission
U.S. President Clinton's special emissary, former U.S. vice
president Walter Mondale, has officially come to Indonesia to
discuss the economic crisis with President Soeharto. But
speculation has arisen on both sides of the Pacific over the real
nature of his mission. Mondale's domestic and international
stature and Indonesia's precarious political situation helped to
fuel speculation that there was more than meets the eye in his
talks with Soeharto yesterday.
Sections of the American media suggested that Mondale had come
to urge Soeharto to step down, on Clinton's behalf. If true, the
timing was certainly appropriate given the ongoing presidential
election process in Indonesia. Some observers drew analogy with
the time when the U.S. administration pulled the rug from under
Philippine strongman Ferdinand Marcos in the 1980s.
Others speculated that Mondale was using his broad mandate to
try to coerce the Indonesian leader into carrying out sweeping
political changes, in addition to the promised economic reforms.
Again, this seems a valid theory judging by recent expressions of
concern American officials have made over the political situation
in Indonesia. If this is true, Mondale could have made some
remarks about Soeharto's choice of vice president and the next
cabinet line up.
Unsurprisingly, some people on this side of the Pacific became
suspicious of Mondale's intentions. They warned the U.S. against
meddling with Indonesia's domestic affairs. These were reasonable
concerns given that the U.S. funded a number of separatist
rebellions in Indonesia in the 1950s. Conflict in our archipelago
was a traumatic experience that few Indonesians who lived through
the turbulent post-independence period will ever forget.
There is also Washington's opposition to a plan to fix the
rupiah rate of exchange using a currency board system (CBS). Many
Indonesian officials believe such a system to be capable of
restoring currency stability and easing the economic crisis. The
proposal is popular here and it is perhaps due to this that
proponents of the concept are uneasy about the United States and
other western country's strongly voiced criticisms of the plan.
However, entertaining these conspiratorial suspicions
overlooks the strong foundations which characterize our bilateral
relations with the U.S. The two countries have had differences in
the past, and still do now, but they also have many common
interests and it is upon these that ties have been built.
Relations have developed on the basis of mutual respect and
mutual benefits. There is no reason to suspect that this has
changed. Besides, Soeharto and Clinton are known to have forged a
close rapport over the years.
There is a growing realization of the importance of Indonesia
to U.S. strategic interests in Southeast Asia. Her geographical
size, location and huge population make Indonesia a critical part
of regional politics. Instability in Indonesia would be of
concern to Washington, a fact reflected in the increasing
coverage Indonesia receives in the American press.
The United States has a major stake in Indonesia and
Indonesian efforts to overcome the crisis. Clinton's
administration has been trying to justify funding for the
International Monetary Fund, the organization which brokered
Indonesia's US$43 billion rescue package, to the U.S. congress.
The real nature of Mondale's visit may not be known for some
time, if it ever is since Clinton's message for Soeharto is
confidential. But on the basis of Mondale's explanation, it would
appear that Clinton was expressing his concern over developments
in Indonesia. This concern is valid given the strong U.S.
interests in Indonesia.
Mondale's visit should be viewed in the broader context of
U.S.-Indonesian relations, and we believe that Clinton had sent
his top emissary with the best of intentions, to represent the
interests of America, and to forward the interests of Indonesia.