Milosevic's extradition

Ironically, international criminal law has taken a giant leap forward in Belgrade. However, it was neither noble nor moving. For it was not the moral compass that showed the way, but political and -- perhaps even more so -- material interests. It was the threat issued by the U.S. secretary of state, Colin Powell, that the United States might boycott the donor conference unless Mr. Milosevic were extradited before the start of the conference that made the Serb government act. It was not insight, but pressure that brought Mr. Milosevic to The Hague.

Neither is Serbia's prime minister, the lively Zoran Djindjic, a wholly sympathetic figure. It is not hard to see that, after many years of waiting, he is hungry for power. No clear rejection of the dictator's nationalism has ever crossed Mr. Djindjic's lips. If he has now enthusiastically and ruthlessly worked toward the extradition, then it was hardly from a desire to come to terms with the past spurred on by moral energy. Instead, he wanted to ensure Serbia's access to financial aid from the West.

Does that make the trade-off that has taken place reprehensible? Certainly not. Perhaps even the opposite. People have a tendency -- in matters both great and small, after dictatorships and in everyday life - not to focus on their darker sides, indulging instead in self-deceptive justifications. It would therefore be naive to rely solely on moral capacity. That is not enough.

-- Frankfurter Allgemeine, Germany