Military riding the winds of change

BANDUNG (JP): "What's wrong with Dwifungsi?" is a question that is being asked nowadays by nearly everyone concerned. To say nothing is wrong with the concept is to be blind to the reality, given the harsh criticism over its existence and implementation coming from almost every quarter of society.

As the anniversary of the armed forces is approaching, the public is getting more and more curious about how the military is going to address the issue. It is expected that the ABRI leadership will announce the fate of Dwifungsi on Oct. 5 - whether it will remain or become history.

It is not a simple problem to solve, and Minister of Defense and Security/ABRI Chief Gen. Wiranto has said that it will take ABRI five years to consolidate, reorganize, reposition and redefine its role in the future. Wiranto's statement hinted that ABRI would not be tempted to rush things over such a crucial matter.

Historically, there is no denying ABRI's significant contribution to the state and people of Indonesia through both defense and security and its sociopolitical roles. After the 1965 abortive communist coup, ABRI emerged as the most solid and powerful institution, thus its self-perception as the sole guardian of the country's sovereignty, the Pancasila state ideology and the 1945 Constitution.

Under the Sukarno government, ABRI played a central role in defending national unity and integrity and in safeguarding Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The state of emergency that followed the various armed rebellions after the proclamation of independence placed ABRI at the forefront, thus its domination over other government institutions. This leading position gave ABRI justification over its territorial (sociopolitical) role.

"During the Soeharto New Order government, ABRI's sociopolitical role reached such a level that, according to some senior officers involved in bringing about the Dwifungsi concept, it overstretched its original goals," Maj. Gen. Agus Widjojo, an advisor on politics and security to the ABRI chief, said in his paper on ABRI's role in the 21st century.

According to Widjojo, the initiator of Dwifungsi failed to anticipate the likelihood of the presidential position being held by someone with a direct commanding authority over the military who used this power to serve his political interests.

"ABRI could say no to President Sukarno, but it could not do the same to Soeharto," Widjojo explained.

On the other hand, Soeharto gave ABRI the liberty to perform its sociopolitical role for his own interests. This was because the social conditions under the New Order had not changed from the previous era, where public participation in decision making was not encouraged, he added.

"Indonesia's two presidents created special conditions for ABRI's sociopolitical role that amounted to spoiling it. However, these special conditions cannot be made the norms, standard, or final form of ABRI's sociopolitical role ," he said.

Redefinition

Widjojo cited six factors that called for a redefinition of Dwifungsi and reform in its implementation.

"We have passed the state of emergency and are in a situation that no longer justifies ABRI playing too big a role, which is nothing more than an extension of its defense and security function," said Widjojo.

At the same time, the demilitarization trend demands reduced military interference in non-military affairs, on the grounds that the military is considered a deterrent towards the democratization process and respect for human rights, he said.

Education has created a society that is very much aware of its rights to participate in politics and to take part in decision making. Globalization has forced nations to improve their managerial capabilities in order to win global competition among nations. An acceleration of the modernization of the Indonesian people as required by the globalization trend will be a critical factor in the shift towards a new paradigm, from a traditional society to a modern people.

"The last factor is the fact that Indonesia's productive age group will be dominated by those people who do not experience or understand the various historical events that justify Dwifungsi," said Widjojo.

System

The six factors open various possibilities for new forms of ABRI's role in the 21st century, a role that is no longer appropriate to be called ABRI's sociopolitical role. In the future, it will be more fitting to define ABRI's sociopolitical role as its role and dedication to the nation, said Widjojo.

The problem is, ABRI is being faced with two extreme views that speak of a possibility of confronting its defense and security function with its sociopolitical role.

"On one hand, the democratization trend and demands for respect for human rights in the form of a civil society, close the door on ABRI's sociopolitical role. On the other hand, the current social conditions speak of a loosening sense of nationalism, a lack of discipline and a threat to national unity and integrity," he said.

According to Widjojo, in this situation, ABRI is still needed to ensure that the current waves of reform are well-directed towards creating a civil society.

"In this context, ABRI's sociopolitical role should be seen as the property of the whole nation and should be decided by all components of society, by taking into account all of the various conditions and factors that can affect national interests," he said.

As a consequence, ABRI will abandon its security approach that has placed it as a central part in the life of the nation. In the future, ABRI will place itself on an equal footing with other institutions, as part of a national system instead of a dominating institution, said Widjojo.

"ABRI will remain a professional, effective and modern defense and security force, but also one that is ready to safeguard national development and dedicate itself to achieving a common goal, together with other components of the nation," he said.

"Dwifungsi is not a goal in itself, but a means through which ABRI takes part in building a modern state and nation," Widjojo concluded. (lem)