Military fight against terrorism could be the terror itself

Military fight against terrorism could be the terror itself

Dwi Atmanta, The Jakarta Post/Jakarta

A usually cool President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seemed to be
about to lose his patience when he ordered the Indonesian
Military (TNI) to actively help the country's fight against
terrorism on Thursday.

For many, the decision may have been greeted with relief as
terrorist attacks have been plaguing the nation for the past five
years, dating back to Christmas Eve 2000 when bombs rocked a
number of churches almost simultaneously, killing dozens. Two
years later the terrorists were back, detonating high explosives
on Bali, followed by the bomb attacks on JW Marriott Hotel in
Jakarta in 2003 and one outside the Australian Embassy the
following year. The latest bombing made Bali the target again,
dealing the economic recovery on the island a major blow.

Under the antiterrorism law, some of the perpetrators of the
2002 bombing were sentenced to death. But this capital punishment
has not been a deterrent, hardly surprising if we consider that
those that carried out the bombings were willing to die for their
misguided cause.

Smarting from the 2002 Bali attack, police and intelligence
agencies stepped up precautionary measures to prevent the
terrorists from launching new strikes. The efforts impressed
foreign countries, which have disbursed millions of dollars to
help the Indonesian police improve their counter-terrorism
skills.

Expecting the National Police to crack down on terrorists
singlehanded and keep them from committing more carnage is
perhaps too much. This government has rightly noted that even
Western countries, which apply higher standards to more-
sophisticated security systems have fallen prey to terrorists.

As president, Susilo bears a heavy burden, charged as he is
with protecting his people, as he tries to make Indonesia more
attractive to foreign investors. Four bomb attacks in as many
years therefore are too much, as they have not only put
Indonesians under a constant threat, but, as Susilo put it, they
have helped destroy the country's economic recovery.

From a political point of view, this ongoing terrorism has put
Susilo's credibility at stake. It may dash his hopes of realizing
his election promises, which helped get him more than 60 percent
of the vote last year.

Since taking office, Susilo has been trying to make
significant changes to Indonesia's War on Terror. He announced in
July a plan to reinstate regional intelligence bodies, which
would fall under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Under the New
Order, the military-dominated Regional Coordinating Intelligence
Agency (Bakorinda) played a major role in quashing government
critics along with the more violent insurgents.

The TNI's expertise in intelligence affairs has been tested
for decades as was evident in the relatively undisturbed rule of
Soeharto for more than three decades.

The turning point came in 1999, when police took over the
responsibility for security matters from the military, which
since then has played only a supporting role.

Under civilian governments, which rely much on the police when
it comes to security affairs, terrorists have launched attacks
seemingly at will. The attacks have happened in a climate where
people are increasingly able to criticize the government and
exercise their political, economic and cultural rights.

Allowing the military to restore its major role in security
affairs will not only be a breach of the reform spirit. More
worrying is the return of secret abductions, detention without
trial, torture and the extra-judicial killings of those who are
deemed militants or a threat to the state.

Still fresh in the nation's memory are the abductions of at
least 12 men, mostly activists in a military operation in 1997.
An investigation only recently declared these men had died in the
hands of their abductors, but no one has yet been brought to
trial for their deaths.

There are likely to be far more "enemies of the state" who
disappeared through such operations, as they were always
conducted covertly.

Security is of course the domain of Susilo, himself a retired
Army general and former chief security minister under two
different presidents. But it is also undeniable that his rise to
the presidency was made possible thanks to the reform movement.

Susilo has got off to a good start. To meet his ends, however,
he must justify his means.

The author is a staff writer of The Jakarta Post.