Megawati govt hesitant to fight corruption

A'an Suryana, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Four years have passed since the reform movement swept through the nation in 1998, but corruption, the main disease the reformists pledged to eradicate, remains a cause for concern.

Rather than waning, corruption has become even more entrenched in society over the last four years.

Courts have continued to produce verdicts that go against the public's sense of justice. The police seem to have lost the will to investigate individuals and parties allegedly involved in corruption. And the government, the supposed vanguard of the reform movement, has failed to take bold steps to eradicate corruption.

There were numerous cases in 2002 to suggest the government was not serious about combating corruption. Most notably was the Bulog II scandal, which was reminiscent of the first Bulog scandal involving former president Abdurrahman Wahid.

This high profile corruption case involved politician Akbar Tandjung, chairman of the Golkar Party and Speaker of the House of Representatives, who was convicted by the court of misusing state funds in 1999 when he was state minister/state secretary.

Akbar was tasked by then president B.J. Habibie to channel Rp 40 billion of State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds to the needy. Prosecutors found this money never reached its intended target.

Many believe the money went into the coffers of Golkar and was used to finance the party's election campaign. Despite the convincing evidence of the misappropriation of state funds by Akbar, prosecutors failed to follow the money trail to its final destination.

The mystery could have been solved if President Megawati Soekarnoputri, also the chairwoman of the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), had thrown her weight behind the establishment of a House special committee of inquiry into Akbar's role in the scandal. If Golkar had been found to have received the funds, it could have been dissolved according to the election law.

However, as fears of Golkar retaliation mounted, Megawati and her party preferred the investigation into the scandal to be left to the Attorney General's Office, which has a reputation for being less than tough n fighting corruption. The plan to establish a House special committee was finally dropped due to resistance by the PDI Perjuangan faction, the largest faction in the House.

Akbar was eventually sentenced for three years in jail, though he remains free pending his appeal. The result suggested that the damage was confined to Akbar, while Golkar remained safe. It also suggested that political deals had been reached between Golkar and PDI Perjuangan ahead of the 2004 elections.

Akbar's graft case was not the only one to concern the public this year. Allegations of corruption in the Attorney General's Office gained credence when the Public Servants Wealth Audit Commission (KPKPN) revealed that the head of the office, M.A. Rachman, failed to report a luxury home he owns in Cinere, South Jakarta, to the commission.

Public resentment increased when Rachman failed to provide a convincing explanation as to how he was able to afford to build the house.

Not surprisingly, the public jumped to the assumption that Rachman had built the house with ill-gotten wealth. However, despite the public pressure for Rachman's suspension, President Megawati again showed her reluctance to take action. She justified her decision not to act by saying that suspending Rachman would not guarantee an improvement in the performance of the Attorney General's Office.

Both the Rachman and Akbar cases suggest that the government lacks the courage and boldness needed to eradicate corruption. This is all the more disappointing given the fact that Megawati's government enjoys strong support from a broad-based political coalition and the people.

With such strong support, Megawati's government would seem to be perfectly placed to fight corruption. And in the case of Rachman, it would not have been much of a fight given that the attorney general has no significant political backing.

If Megawati's government has failed to live up to the reform movement's goal of eradicating corruption, collusion and nepotism despite its strong mandate, then allegations that the current administration has condoned or has even been involved in the practices do not seem to be greatly exaggerated.

As public trust in the government's commitment to fighting corruption was deteriorating, a ray of hope emerged with the House's endorsement of a long-waited law that would establish a powerful anticorruption commission to replace the KPKPN.

It is hoped the commission will bring concrete and bold actions to investigate corruption and bring perpetrators, either petty or mighty, to justice.

Many have hailed the commission as a major breakthrough in the fight against corruption, as it is empowered to take over investigations and prosecutions from the National Police and the Attorney General's Office, two institutions long criticized for their inability to enforce the anticorruption law.

But there still remains one very large question: Will the commission be able to establish justice if those in power do not have the political will to uproot corruption?