Megawati govt hesitant to fight corruption

Megawati govt hesitant to fight corruption

A'an Suryana, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Four years have passed since the reform movement swept through
the nation in 1998, but corruption, the main disease the
reformists pledged to eradicate, remains a cause for concern.

Rather than waning, corruption has become even more entrenched
in society over the last four years.

Courts have continued to produce verdicts that go against the
public's sense of justice. The police seem to have lost the will
to investigate individuals and parties allegedly involved in
corruption. And the government, the supposed vanguard of the
reform movement, has failed to take bold steps to eradicate
corruption.

There were numerous cases in 2002 to suggest the government
was not serious about combating corruption. Most notably was the
Bulog II scandal, which was reminiscent of the first Bulog
scandal involving former president Abdurrahman Wahid.

This high profile corruption case involved politician Akbar
Tandjung, chairman of the Golkar Party and Speaker of the House
of Representatives, who was convicted by the court of misusing
state funds in 1999 when he was state minister/state secretary.

Akbar was tasked by then president B.J. Habibie to channel Rp
40 billion of State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds to the needy.
Prosecutors found this money never reached its intended target.

Many believe the money went into the coffers of Golkar and was
used to finance the party's election campaign. Despite the
convincing evidence of the misappropriation of state funds by
Akbar, prosecutors failed to follow the money trail to its final
destination.

The mystery could have been solved if President Megawati
Soekarnoputri, also the chairwoman of the ruling Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), had thrown her
weight behind the establishment of a House special committee of
inquiry into Akbar's role in the scandal. If Golkar had been
found to have received the funds, it could have been dissolved
according to the election law.

However, as fears of Golkar retaliation mounted, Megawati and
her party preferred the investigation into the scandal to be left
to the Attorney General's Office, which has a reputation for
being less than tough n fighting corruption. The plan to
establish a House special committee was finally dropped due to
resistance by the PDI Perjuangan faction, the largest faction in
the House.

Akbar was eventually sentenced for three years in jail, though
he remains free pending his appeal. The result suggested that the
damage was confined to Akbar, while Golkar remained safe. It also
suggested that political deals had been reached between Golkar
and PDI Perjuangan ahead of the 2004 elections.

Akbar's graft case was not the only one to concern the public
this year. Allegations of corruption in the Attorney General's
Office gained credence when the Public Servants Wealth Audit
Commission (KPKPN) revealed that the head of the office, M.A.
Rachman, failed to report a luxury home he owns in Cinere, South
Jakarta, to the commission.

Public resentment increased when Rachman failed to provide a
convincing explanation as to how he was able to afford to build
the house.

Not surprisingly, the public jumped to the assumption that
Rachman had built the house with ill-gotten wealth. However,
despite the public pressure for Rachman's suspension, President
Megawati again showed her reluctance to take action. She
justified her decision not to act by saying that suspending
Rachman would not guarantee an improvement in the performance of
the Attorney General's Office.

Both the Rachman and Akbar cases suggest that the government
lacks the courage and boldness needed to eradicate corruption.
This is all the more disappointing given the fact that Megawati's
government enjoys strong support from a broad-based political
coalition and the people.

With such strong support, Megawati's government would seem to
be perfectly placed to fight corruption. And in the case of
Rachman, it would not have been much of a fight given that the
attorney general has no significant political backing.

If Megawati's government has failed to live up to the reform
movement's goal of eradicating corruption, collusion and nepotism
despite its strong mandate, then allegations that the current
administration has condoned or has even been involved in the
practices do not seem to be greatly exaggerated.

As public trust in the government's commitment to fighting
corruption was deteriorating, a ray of hope emerged with the
House's endorsement of a long-waited law that would establish a
powerful anticorruption commission to replace the KPKPN.

It is hoped the commission will bring concrete and bold
actions to investigate corruption and bring perpetrators, either
petty or mighty, to justice.

Many have hailed the commission as a major breakthrough in the
fight against corruption, as it is empowered to take over
investigations and prosecutions from the National Police and the
Attorney General's Office, two institutions long criticized for
their inability to enforce the anticorruption law.

But there still remains one very large question: Will the
commission be able to establish justice if those in power do not
have the political will to uproot corruption?