May, 21, 1998 marks the end of an autocratic regime

May, 21, 1998 marks the end of an autocratic regime

By Santi W.E. Soekanto

JAKARTA (JP): "I quit as president."

Those words were uttered by Soeharto when on May 21, 1998, he
stepped aside and handed over the power that had been in his
hands for 32 years to Vice President B.J. Habibie. Indonesia was
in a fever, engulfed in massive, nationwide demonstrations led by
students calling for political and economic reform.

Those words were music to millions of Indonesian ears here and
abroad. Jubilant students -- especially the thousands who were
still at the House of Representatives (DPR) building that they
had been occupying for several days -- cheered, sang, wept,
prostrated in gratitude, high-fived and slapped each other's
back.

A mission previously deemed impossible, was accomplished:
forcing Soeharto to bow out.

Those same words, however, were probably a curse for those who
for the past three decades had hitched their wagons to Soeharto's
powerful coattail. Politicians and business tycoons such as
Muhammad "Bob" Hasan and Sudono Salim, who grew gargantuan
because of Soeharto's protection, suddenly found the ground
beneath them collapsed.

Those words heralded a breathing space so long denied to many,
including the media. They were the ushering in of a time of
liberation for some, of revenge for others, and of fear, may be,
for yet others. Euphoria was soon followed by confusion and a
loss of direction.

The year 1998 is certainly among the most historic in
Indonesia's history, when an autocratic rule came to an end
following massive upheavals that claimed the lives of 1,200
people and led to the violation of at least 76 women during the
worst street riots to hit Jakarta and other major cities.

The trouble, of course, began much earlier but the boiling
point was reached in May. President Soeharto, 77 years old, was
probably feeling the clock ticking when he made an impassioned
plea for stability -- which, in hindsight, looked pathetic --
shortly before he departed for a week-long trip to attend the G-
15 Summit in Cairo on May 9.

"I am leaving the country calm, hopeful that political and
national stability can be maintained. I plead for people's
understanding," he said.

Soeharto came home to a capital where thousands of buildings
were charred in the May 13 and May 14 rioting, when public
outrage over the shooting of four Trisakti University students on
May 12 was palpable.

The man who had built the New Order's political system and was
honored as the Father of Development tried to hold on the last
shreds of his tattered power, summoning just about everybody that
could come up with a piece of advice.

In the meantime, those who for years have been circling his
orbit repositioned themselves. One of his oldest loyalists, House
Speaker Harmoko, turned away and joined the escalating demands
that he resign. Eleven ministers, including his long-time aide
Ginandjar Kartasasmita, tendered their resignation.

"Enough is enough. Soeharto must go," said Muslim leader Amien
Rais.

Analysts, however, believed the real turning point came on
Wednesday night, May 20. Armed Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto went
to Soeharto's Jl. Cendana residence to deliver a message on the
behalf of the Armed Forces (ABRI) leadership -- which up until
then had stood by Soeharto despite mounting calls for his
resignation -- asking the president to resign.

It was reported that the military's top brass had met earlier
Wednesday and decided the situation demanded the president stand
down rather than face the possibility of an impeachment process.

The next morning, Soeharto said the country's situation had
become such that it was impossible for him to carry out his state
duties. "I hereby declare that I quit as president of the
Republic of Indonesia, effective from the time I'm reading this
statement today, Thursday, May 21, 1998."

After the ceremony, Soeharto congratulated Habibie, who is 16
years his junior. Habibie kissed the hand of the elder statesman,
his onetime "super genius" political professor.

The "power" was thus transferred to a Soeharto loyalist, whose
credibility was questioned by many, and who promised "gradual
reforms" in the face of people's growing impatience.

Distance

Shortly after the transfer of power, most of the students took
a breather and stopped demonstrating. Their elders -- reform
leaders, scholars and just about anybody who was suddenly
proreform -- took up where the students left off and continued
the pressure on Habibie.

The new President consulted the House and on May 28, set up
his political reform agenda, including the holding of a Special
Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in November,
and a general election and a presidential election in 1999.

By so doing, Habibie was indirectly acknowledging that his was
merely a transitional administration and that he would not serve
out the remainder of his tenure to 2003.

Over the course of seven months since May, however, he has
swung back and forth. A few times he expressed his intention to
run for reelection, only to change the tone the next time by
saying he had no intention of remaining the head of state after
1999.

With growing criticism of his past record under Soeharto,
Habibie made a display of his effort to distance himself from the
former ruler.

He freed political prisoners. He eased control on the media.
He allowed the establishment of organizations which proclaimed
themselves to be "Habibie's opposition". He introduced a new set
of political bills that were, at certain points, more relaxed
than some government critics expected.

He introduced an opening that never existed before. The public
responded and established their own political parties because
they wanted to channel their political aspirations.

At last count, there were 107 new parties. Analysts, however,
believed the serious contenders would still be the old three --
Golkar, the United Development Party and the Indonesian
Democratic Party -- plus several new heavyweights, including
Amien Rais' National Mandate Party, Abdurrahman Wahid's National
Awakening Party and Yusril Ihza Mahendra's Crescent Star Party.

Critics and students wanted more. Habibie appeased them with a
promise that he truly was different from Soeharto, and that he
would have the guts to investigate the latter for alleged
corruption and abuse of power.

It has been more than six months since Lt. Gen. A.M. Ghalib
was installed the new attorney general on June 17, and he has
only come up with the following statement regarding investigation
into Soeharto: "Further checks are needed before Soeharto can be
declared a suspect in a corruption case."

ABRI

The opening of the political space led to unprecedented
pressure on Indonesia's most powerful institution -- the Armed
Forces. Case upon case of military atrocities in many parts of
the country during Soeharto's regime were revealed with rapidity.

East Timor, Irian Jaya and Aceh were found to have suffered
the most because of the military operations there. Thousands had
been killed or disappeared, widowed or orphaned. The unthinkable
Chamber of Torture was even found in a village of North Aceh
where men were killed and women were raped and brutalized. A
young boy witnessed a military personnel shoot and scalp his
father.

The Army's Special Force (Kopassus) came under the glaring
public light when it was revealed that its officers were involved
in the abduction and torture of political activists.

Armed Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto made all the appropriate
gestures -- apologizing and promising stern measures against
errant officers. Between August and October, he lifted the
military operations status and withdrew combat troops from the
three provinces. He visited victims and relatives of victims.

He took a step many management gurus would be proud of to save
a failing company: repositioning (or at least promising to do so)
the Armed Forces in the country's sociopolitical affairs.

After proclaiming its intention to take a backseat, however,
ABRI forged ahead with its campaign to maintain a strong enough
presence -- namely enough seats -- in the House of
Representatives.

Reawakening

Around October, students across the country took to the
streets again and brought down another heavy load of pressure on
Habibie. Their demands varied, from the immediate convening of
the general election, to Habibie and Wiranto's resignation.

Tensions surged in November around the Special Session, which
was aimed at preparing decrees that would serve as the legal
groundwork for a political reform agenda. Some of the students
were against the session, others supported it with the condition
that the legislators heed their voices.

ABRI handled the situation with its usual attitude. It
deployed 25,000 military personnel and 125,000 civilians to
safeguard the MPR/DPR compound where the country's 1,000
legislators were convening.

Students' attempts to enter and deliver their aspirations to
the legislators in Jakarta were repeatedly blocked. Clashes
between students and security personnel broke out on Nov. 12, but
the tension came to a head the next day, Friday Nov. 13, when
troops opened fire on the demonstrators.

Fourteen students and others died in the Black Friday incident
even as legislators inside the compound were laughing at their
successful completion of the session.

Indonesia mourned. But the students vowed they would continue.

Violence

Another ugly side to the seven-month-old Reformed Indonesia
was the unleashed violence. Beginning in July, Banyuwangi and
other East Java towns witnessed a series of horrendous murders of
Muslim clerics and others suspected of practicing witchcraft.

The waves of murders spread to Central Java and West Java
towns. They were started by a group of masked men, called
"ninjas", but later changed into a frenzy of killing as residents
attacked anyone they suspected of being a "ninja".

The public witnessed how easy it was to incite and breed
violence. Two of the ugliest incidents occurred in November. The
first was in Ketapang, West Jakarta, on Nov. 22, where residents
attacked churches and 14 people died in the unrest. The second
was in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara, where residents attacked
mosques and other facilities belonging to Muslims.

A fear of national disintegration prompted Muslim leader
Abdurrahman Wahid to seek a national dialog with existing
political forces. He met Habibie, Wiranto and even a former
minister of defense known for wielding considerable political
clout, Gen. (ret) L.B. "Benny" Moerdani.

The shocking development was that Abdurrahman, fondly known as
Gus Dur, also met with Soeharto, at the latter's residence.

Why Soeharto, of all people? some people asked.

Abdurrahman's reason was because Soeharto still has lots of
followers, still wields a strong political influence, and he is
probably the reason why the murder spree in Banyuwangi and the
violence in Ketapang and Kupang took place.

Abdurrahman may or may not be right. But ...

There. Seven months after he quit, Soeharto still has his
hands everywhere.