Mangunwijaya: Indonesian political opposition must improve
YOGYAKARTA (JP): Many have voiced criticism against the new government but none are using appropriate ethics for political opposition.
Social activist and novelist Y.B. Mangunwijaya has said that the current political situation is not conducive for the establishment of an opposition party.
The mounting criticism against the government should not necessarily mean that the government, formed after Soeharto fell from grace on May 21, is moving toward better democracy.
Mangunwijaya shared his views on this issue in a recent interview with The Jakarta Post.
Question: Even though you are a close friend of President B.J. Habibie, as you once claimed, you are still able to criticize him, saying that his government is similar to that of former president Soeharto. Doesn't this sound un-Indonesian?
Mangunwijaya: During the New Order, anyone criticizing the government was regarded as its enemy. This should not be the case now. During the revolution era after the declaration of the country's independence (in 1945), rivals in politics could sustain their friendships (even though they criticized each other).
Q: Does the mounting criticism reflect the Habibie government's more democratic nature?
M: No. This is due more to the improvement of the people's courage to be outspoken, not the government's drift toward more democracy. The government has been forced to give better chances to the people due to their strong demands.
The establishment of an opposition in its real sense is only possible if the government were to introduce a fair-play democratic system, while the people are intelligent and rational in criticizing the government. The fact is that people are emotional and not intelligent, while the government does not introduce fair play and even engineers a confused political situation by denying reports on gang rapes, for example. An opposition movement based on a national consensus for the interest of the public, therefore, is an impossible occurrence.
Q: Is the government the one to create a conducive environment for a healthy opposition culture?
M: Such an environment should be created by both the government and the people because fascist practices are thus far conducted not only by the government but also by other parties wanting to force their will through violence. However, the government must start by giving examples.
Q: How would you describe the current condition?
M: Our current civilization, marked by five phenomena, is actually the same as that of one century ago, in 1898. So, today, we actually still live in that year.
The five phenomena are the feudalism of the indigenous people; the implementation of the Dutch colonial economic system, such as the coercion to plant certain agricultural commodities; the introduction of political engineering based on the Japanese military's dual-function concept; the high dependency on foreign capital; and the one which I seldom bring forward, the reign of a centuries-old Asian tradition of intimidation, including banditry and thuggery, locally known as gentho, kecu or now premanism. These phenomena have cast a negative image on our state ideology Pancasila.
Q: How should we escape from such a condition?
M: The younger generation must be given the opportunity to change the condition because the Generation of 1945 (freedom fighters) will never be able to carry out this task. Each generation, such as the generation of Ki Hajar Dewantara, Wahidin and Sukarno, has its own task.
Q: But aren't we moving toward democracy?
M: So far, we still have no opposition movement in the real sense. What we see now are angry people, including those involved in the so-called Barisan Nasional (National Front) opposition group.
But, both the government and the people are transforming themselves from fascism to democracy. The people actually have started the transformation and the government, therefore, must show a positive response, so that both of them can go hand in hand to end fascist practices, such as violence and terrorism.
Q: Talking about the present government, do you think the Habibie government is populist or weak?
M: Habibie is not populist. He looks sure to have the competence to manage the nation. If sovereignty is still far from the people, don't just blame Habibie because all of us are also taking part in the mistakes.
As fascists, we have a tendency to find a scapegoat and blame the government. Each of us, including the government, must start abolishing fascist practices.
Q: You once proposed that Indonesia adopt a federal system. How about the state ideology of Pancasila?
M: We can sustain Pancasila, which was introduced by our founding fathers, as our basic philosophy.
What if a certain state of the proposed federation wants to emphasize its own characteristics; Islam for Aceh, for example?
That does not matter, as long as there is no first-class or second-class citizenship.
But before introducing a federal system, we must acknowledge that such a system will remain under the concept of a united, integralistic country. Many people, apparently influenced by the Dutch colonial concept of federalism, have a misconception that a federal country is nonintegralistic.
Our new concept of federalism should be oriented to anticipate developments in the 21st century.
Q: What advantages will federalism offer?
M: Federalism will reinvigorate citizens in all parts of the country to develop their own regions because they will no longer feel marginalized. Each member state will become a center of its own.
Under a federal system, there will be no way for officials to get involved in corrupt, collusive and nepotistic practices to transfer regional natural resources to the central government. Educated people also will no longer be interested in migrating to Jakarta or Java because they will have the vigor to develop their own territories.
Q: What if such a proposal is opposed by Java residents?
M: Federalism will reduce the opportunities of those living in Jakarta and Java to get involved in corrupt, collusive and nepotistic practices. The growth of prosperity in Java is also likely to slow down. But the welfare of the other areas will improve swiftly. How could the Java residents, who have enjoyed prosperity for over 50 years, refuse to sacrifice a little for the sake of the welfare improvement of their fellow countrymen in other regions.
Q: How should we formulate the federal concept?
M: The formulation of technical matters, such as the laws on politics, must be conducted by an independent team trusted by all members of the society, including the Armed Forces, the bureaucracy and the general public.
If such a job were left to (minister of home affairs) Syarwan Hamid, everything would be in jeopardy because nobody would trust him.
Q: How should we start on the road toward federalism?
M: We can start by holding a general election to elect members of a constituent assembly, not members of the House of Representatives/People's Consultative Assembly. The proposed constituent assembly will be assigned to formulate a new constitution, to determine the fate of the Armed Forces' dual (political-military) function and to lead a transitional process toward the implementation of federalism.
The concept on, and the process toward, the establishment of a federation should not be made in a hurry. Everything must be discussed thoroughly in a cool atmosphere.
We are lucky that discussing the possibility of introducing federalism is no longer taboo in the country.
Q: Who should facilitate discussions on such an issue?
M: I think we'd better let the younger generation take the initiative to hold discussions on the possible introduction of federalism in the country. The younger generation must formulate its own concept on a new Indonesia and, therefore, must discuss the issue intelligently, not emotionally. The older generation should not try to force its ideas on the younger one.
It would be good if a federation could be realized in 2008, 2028 or 2045 at the latest, referring to Indonesia's historical years. A revolution is never accomplished in one day. (23)