Looking critically at RI's ventures into democracy

Meretas Jalan Demokrasi (Trailblazing the road of democracy); Dadang Juliantara; Foreword by Mansour Fakih; Kanisius, Yogyakarta, 1998; 191 pp, Rp 18,500

YOGYAKARTA (JP): In this book, Dadang attempts to examine the process of democratization at the economic and political levels. Dadang turns a critical eye on the mechanisms of democracy, and on the roadblocks that stand in the way of a more profound democracy in Indonesia.

Among prodemocracy and press activists, particularly in Yogyakarta, Dadang, a graduate of Gadjah Mada University, is a familiar figure. He is known as an activist concerned with the fate of this nation, particularly with respect to those who are powerless against an authoritarian government.

The writer is an activist in several non-governmental organizations in Yogyakarta, and a productive columnist.

Trailblazing is evidence of Dadang's great concern for Indonesia. It is an invitation for us to reflect on economic and political democratization, which seems to have deviated from its original goal of popular sovereignty.

This book emphasizes that democracy is not only important to discuss but also to fight for. The reason for this is that democracy, in some circles, is seen as nothing more than a tool used by power holders to legitimize their power. Therefore, democracy in this sense has degenerated into a mechanism of hegemony. Democracy is no longer considered a principle by which the people are positioned as decision makers.

This reversion of the meaning of democracy is discussed in detail in the chapter titled Perizinan dan Paradigma Kontrol (Licensing and the Paradigm of Control, pp 130-133).

Dadang notes that to control mass assemblies, the state, in 1995, issued a Joint Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs and the Minister of Defense and Security No. 153/1995 and No. Kep/2/XII/1995 on a Guideline for the Implementation of Licensing and Notifications.

The guidelines contain detailed clauses on licensing, matters of which the public usually has little knowledge. It is said, for example, that private activities do not require a license, while political meetings with limited participants require notification of the authorities. A license will be needed for an activity that will involve many people.

Dadang maintains that this is where problems arise for democracy. First, the implementation guideline is drawn up with reference to Article 510 of the Criminal Code (a colonial legal product) and Law No. 5 PNPS/1963 (the legacy of the "Guided Democracy" era), neither of which is in tune with the present social developments.

Also, the presence of this implementation guideline actually shows that state control covers not only physical areas but also the ideas of the people.

The essence of a model of control using non-coercive means (ideological subjugation) is the establishment of the public's commitment and loyalty to various regulations and procedures stipulated by the state. In this respect, the state lays a strong claim that the people constitute a part or an object of the state and not the other way round.

Another interesting aspect of the above-mentioned implementation guideline is that through regulation the state is indirectly making the community part of the bureaucracy. The relationship between the people and the state is in practice one of subordination.

The book discusses political and economic problems, such as the increase in the number of landless farmers from 1973 to 1980. The number of landless farmers rose from some 490,000 in 1975 to some 2 million in 1980. While in August 1982, that number rose from 6.6 million people to 11 million people.

One of the political problems faced by the country is the state's arrogance, which has been shown in mass media bannings, restricting the number of political organizations to three and rejecting opposition parties.

According to Dadang, all of these examples simply show that the word "democracy", which has been claimed as part of our system of government, has undergone an incredible semantic reversal.

Mansour Fakih reveals in his foreword that what is understood as democracy at present is none other than liberal democracy, or development as it is known in the Third World.

Adherents to liberal democracy generally believe that democracy and development will support each other. In fact, Fakih argues, liberal democracy has four main flaws.

Firstly, it cannot solve problems related to socioeconomic gaps. Secondly, it does not give room to party pluralism as a consequence of the hegemony exercised by a particular political party. Also, it has procedural constraints to popular participation in decision making, particularly with respects to decisions directly related to the well-being of the people. Lastly, it is plagued with the frequent application of a double standard to those holding power.

So, adherents of liberal democracy chant the slogan of the promotion of the principles of liberty and human rights only as far as this will benefit capitalism.

Therefore, Fakih proposes a model for the pursuit of democracy.

He proposes that for a more profound democracy, in respect to formal institutions, that there must be a reaching out to the sociopolitical structures and processes in society. For example, an introduction of a "civilian outlook to the military" or holding a multi-party general election, coupled with the introduction of transformation into the entire social order.

In respect to the layers of society, especially those who have been set aside or marginalized, democracy must be focused not only on the distribution of income but also on the mechanism of equal rights for minority, ethnic, religious and ideological groups, and the human rights of women, children, senior citizens, farmers and all other groups.

Democratization in this aspect will not take place only in a particular political system, but it will also be found outside the existing system, in the form of the right to self- determination.

Lastly, democratization must take place not only at the government and state level, but also in schools, organizations, families and the daily lives of the people. In other words, the process of democratization will not involve only the state, but it must also take place within the civil society.

This can be done by questioning all forms and concepts of power, for example, the relationships between superiors and a subordinates and the gender aspects of male and female.

Written in simple language, the book makes good reading and is recommended for anyone pursuing reforms and struggling to win sovereignty back for the people.

-- Celes Reda

The reviewer is student at Yogyakarta Institute of Agriculture, and an enthusiast of social sciences.