Looking critically at RI's ventures into democracy

Looking critically at RI's ventures into democracy

Meretas Jalan Demokrasi (Trailblazing the road of democracy);
Dadang Juliantara;
Foreword by Mansour Fakih;
Kanisius, Yogyakarta, 1998;
191 pp, Rp 18,500

YOGYAKARTA (JP): In this book, Dadang attempts to examine the
process of democratization at the economic and political levels.
Dadang turns a critical eye on the mechanisms of democracy, and
on the roadblocks that stand in the way of a more profound
democracy in Indonesia.

Among prodemocracy and press activists, particularly in
Yogyakarta, Dadang, a graduate of Gadjah Mada University, is a
familiar figure. He is known as an activist concerned with the
fate of this nation, particularly with respect to those who are
powerless against an authoritarian government.

The writer is an activist in several non-governmental
organizations in Yogyakarta, and a productive columnist.

Trailblazing is evidence of Dadang's great concern for
Indonesia. It is an invitation for us to reflect on economic and
political democratization, which seems to have deviated from its
original goal of popular sovereignty.

This book emphasizes that democracy is not only important to
discuss but also to fight for. The reason for this is that
democracy, in some circles, is seen as nothing more than a tool
used by power holders to legitimize their power. Therefore,
democracy in this sense has degenerated into a mechanism of
hegemony. Democracy is no longer considered a principle by which
the people are positioned as decision makers.

This reversion of the meaning of democracy is discussed in
detail in the chapter titled Perizinan dan Paradigma Kontrol
(Licensing and the Paradigm of Control, pp 130-133).

Dadang notes that to control mass assemblies, the state, in
1995, issued a Joint Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs and
the Minister of Defense and Security No. 153/1995 and No.
Kep/2/XII/1995 on a Guideline for the Implementation of Licensing
and Notifications.

The guidelines contain detailed clauses on licensing, matters
of which the public usually has little knowledge. It is said, for
example, that private activities do not require a license, while
political meetings with limited participants require notification
of the authorities. A license will be needed for an activity that
will involve many people.

Dadang maintains that this is where problems arise for
democracy. First, the implementation guideline is drawn up with
reference to Article 510 of the Criminal Code (a colonial legal
product) and Law No. 5 PNPS/1963 (the legacy of the "Guided
Democracy" era), neither of which is in tune with the present
social developments.

Also, the presence of this implementation guideline actually
shows that state control covers not only physical areas but also
the ideas of the people.

The essence of a model of control using non-coercive means
(ideological subjugation) is the establishment of the public's
commitment and loyalty to various regulations and procedures
stipulated by the state. In this respect, the state lays a strong
claim that the people constitute a part or an object of the state
and not the other way round.

Another interesting aspect of the above-mentioned
implementation guideline is that through regulation the state is
indirectly making the community part of the bureaucracy. The
relationship between the people and the state is in practice one
of subordination.

The book discusses political and economic problems, such as
the increase in the number of landless farmers from 1973 to 1980.
The number of landless farmers rose from some 490,000 in 1975 to
some 2 million in 1980. While in August 1982, that number rose
from 6.6 million people to 11 million people.

One of the political problems faced by the country is the
state's arrogance, which has been shown in mass media bannings,
restricting the number of political organizations to three and
rejecting opposition parties.

According to Dadang, all of these examples simply show that
the word "democracy", which has been claimed as part of our
system of government, has undergone an incredible semantic
reversal.

Mansour Fakih reveals in his foreword that what is understood
as democracy at present is none other than liberal democracy, or
development as it is known in the Third World.

Adherents to liberal democracy generally believe that
democracy and development will support each other. In fact, Fakih
argues, liberal democracy has four main flaws.

Firstly, it cannot solve problems related to socioeconomic
gaps. Secondly, it does not give room to party pluralism as a
consequence of the hegemony exercised by a particular political
party. Also, it has procedural constraints to popular
participation in decision making, particularly with respects to
decisions directly related to the well-being of the people.
Lastly, it is plagued with the frequent application of a double
standard to those holding power.

So, adherents of liberal democracy chant the slogan of the
promotion of the principles of liberty and human rights only as
far as this will benefit capitalism.

Therefore, Fakih proposes a model for the pursuit of
democracy.

He proposes that for a more profound democracy, in respect to
formal institutions, that there must be a reaching out to the
sociopolitical structures and processes in society. For example,
an introduction of a "civilian outlook to the military" or
holding a multi-party general election, coupled with the
introduction of transformation into the entire social order.

In respect to the layers of society, especially those who have
been set aside or marginalized, democracy must be focused not
only on the distribution of income but also on the mechanism of
equal rights for minority, ethnic, religious and ideological
groups, and the human rights of women, children, senior citizens,
farmers and all other groups.

Democratization in this aspect will not take place only in a
particular political system, but it will also be found outside
the existing system, in the form of the right to self-
determination.

Lastly, democratization must take place not only at the
government and state level, but also in schools, organizations,
families and the daily lives of the people. In other words, the
process of democratization will not involve only the state, but
it must also take place within the civil society.

This can be done by questioning all forms and concepts of
power, for example, the relationships between superiors and a
subordinates and the gender aspects of male and female.

Written in simple language, the book makes good reading and is
recommended for anyone pursuing reforms and struggling to win
sovereignty back for the people.

-- Celes Reda

The reviewer is student at Yogyakarta Institute of Agriculture,
and an enthusiast of social sciences.