Let students participate in reform process

Let students participate in reform process

By Johannes Nugroho

JAKARTA (JP): Soeharto's resignation from his previously
invincible presidency was a momentous turning point in Indonesian
history. B.J. Habibie, formerly Vice President, acceded to the
office, leading what is necessarily, by the supreme command of
the people of Indonesia, a transitional government. The
inevitable demise of the seemingly perennial ruler stunned the
populace into a contemplative combination of joy and pondering.

Yet such contemplative moments must cease very soon,
considering the political and economic abyss which the New Order
government left behind. The inception of the transitional
government, whose aim is to conduct a fair and democratic general
election, is the order of the day. A new set of people's
representatives is an indispensable basic on which a "liberated"
Indonesia is to be founded.

Inasmuch as we have chosen the constitutional path to
reformation, we are faced with the dilemma of having to trust
again political figures who prima facie are unworthy of such
trust.

It was only a few weeks ago that Habibie, as vice president,
in response to the blatant majority support for an extraordinary
session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), blurted: "We
have only been in office for two months. We now have those who
demand an extraordinary session (of the MPR). Those who do so are
making an affront to democracy and an insult to the people."

In so doing, we are perfectly aware of the necessity to
rewrite our political bills dealing with the ballot, political
parties and the composition of the MPR and the House of
Representatives (DPR). Nonetheless, it is of equal paramount
importance that a press act be drafted in conjunction with the
political bills, safeguarding and affirming, as the first
Amendment of the American Constitution states, "the awesome
freedom and awesome responsibility" of the press.

A liberated press could act as an "agent controleur" for the
transitional government during the process of rewriting the
political bills, and the press is the ideal forum through which
administrative transparency could be attained. The press, in the
long run, would be beneficial for nurturing critical and civil
libertarian public mentality, eradicating the intimidated wong
cilik (inferior man) mentality for good.

Another advantage of free press is the anticipated
implementation of a "district ballot system", which will
personalize polities as the candidates become more important than
the political parties they represent. The implementation of the
district ballot system in the absence of free press would be
ludicrous.

To confound and thwart any attempt at manifesting certain
groups' or individuals' vested interests in the reform process,
another mechanism of checks and balance is duly unexpendable. A
question has been posed by political analysts as how to contain
the previously ignored voices outside the system.

The likes of Amien Rais, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Nurcholish
Madjid, Loeby Luqman, Emil Salim, Sri Mulyani and even Sri
Bintang Pamungkas, who were effectively hindered from entering
the system, are now an integral part of our thorough reform.
These voices are too invaluable to be kept inaudible.

These figures were in accordance with Soeharto's reform
council deal, originally to be assigned to the said council.
However, the aftermath of the resignation has rendered the deal
annulled. Arguably, the "Soehartoesque" council really has no
constitutional precedent and is of dubious legitimacy. Therefore,
through what mechanism can these figures participate in the
reform?

If we are to refer back to the 1945 Constitution, there is a
state institution which the New Order has transformed into an old
people's home for retired government officials, ministers and
generals, namely the Supreme Advisory Council.

While the definitive role of the council is somewhat vague
according to the constitution, its job description, in Article
16, includes being "endowed with the duty to present answers to
the President's questions and being entitled to give advice to
the government."

Consequently, it is within constitutional boundaries to return
the council to its rightful place which the New Order's selective
negligence has overlooked. Having done so, the transitional
government could install the so-called "critical" figures into
the council with the assent of the DPR. It is worth noting that
the DPR must necessarily be omniscient and omniacquiescent so far
as the executive's conduct is concerned during the course of the
reform.

Moreover, university students, as the instigators of reform,
are to be granted the prerogative to oversee and have a say in
the reform process. A number of university students'
representatives could be allowed into legislative sessions acting
as observers and active participants in legislative deliberation.
These students' representatives could even be installed as
members of the MPR if needed.

Constitutionally speaking, the move is not wholly
unconstitutional, as Article 2 allows representatives of groups
in the populace to be included. The presence of students'
representatives is no more constitutional than the unelected
Armed Forces (ABRI) representatives, which have no constitutional
legitimacy to sit in the legislature whatsoever. In fact, the
large presence of ABRI in the MPR is not conducive to democracy
and ought to be restricted or totally eliminated under the new
bill governing the composition of the MPR.

In order to ensure effective and rapid progress of the reform,
the DPR would be necessitated to issue definite working deadlines
for the government. This is crucial in warding off any vested
interests to retard the reform to any particular group's or
individual's advantage.

Having secured the initial step to reform in the presidential
resignation, the Indonesian people could hope to look forward to
a better future. The present young generation has been given the
privilege to decisively remold the kind of Indonesia we want to
live in. It is a historic privilege for which the world would be
watching us. Liberte, Equalite, Fraternite, Vive la democratie.

The writer works at the International Language Program,
Surabaya.

Window: Inasmuch as we have chosen the constitutional path to
reformation, we are faced with the dilemma of having to trust
again political figures who prima facie are unworthy of such
trust.