Learning to lose with dignity

Although the final result from the polls is yet to come, the political elite seem to be already involved in negotiations. Political analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono casts a light on the phenomenon.

JAKARTA (JP): Since the election, there seems to be a growing gap between the political elite and the people at large. People hope and expect change for the better, encompassing the political, social and economical life of the country, that is, reform.

On the other hand, among the political elite, reform seems to have been forgotten. Political party leaders are more preoccupied with the problem of coalitions, particularly in the face of the presidential election, the technicality of which is beyond comprehension to the people at large.

Since before the election, the political parties in Indonesia were divided roughly between status quo and reform forces. And people had some idea of which was which. Now, however, it's doubtful if anyone really has a clear idea.

The changing positions and attitudes of the leaders of what have been generally regarded as being among the main forces of reform have since then continued to be bewildering.

The meetings held separately between Gus Dur, Amien Rais, Hamzah Haz and Nur Mahmudi over last weekend, was a debacle. That does it! Party leaders have been not only confusing, but they have also been just as confused.

Faced with what has appeared to be unexpected defeat, and burned by their own personal ambitions, they have succeeded only in showing their uncertain commitment to democratic principles and to democratic reform. Amien Rais said we must prevent the situation from developing into an "either-or" issue.

How else, though, as far as the presidential election is concerned, is this possible in a democratic system? Would we want to go back to the days when we only had a single candidate for president?

The hypothesis that supporters of Megawati would not accept it unless she is elected president, and the other way round for many "Islamic movements", as Gus Dur put it, is unfounded. It is tendentious and seditious, and it may be a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Coming from Gus Dur today though, such a remark may not hold water. His enigmatic statements and behavior for the past few years may well have confounded even those close to him. The phenomenon may have damaged his reputation and credibility. Until shortly before the meetings, Gus Dur had continued to create the impression that he himself was so determined to be president.

The same seems true with Amien Rais, although he was never as sure as Gus Dur. He had long before declared his candidacy for president. But in light of his poor showing at the elections, he realized it was not his time. Nonetheless, just the day before, he was reported he decided to join the presidential race again.

In regards to Hamzah Haz, his threat of his United Development Party (PPP) would not join the government should Megawati be elected president may not carry weight. How could he be sure his party would be invited to join a Megawati-led government anyway?

However, credit is due to Nur Mahmudi of the Justice Party (PK), whose remarks were the most sensible. He may be unduly concerned though, over the possibility of an ideological split or polarization. Indeed, this phenomenon has more or less characterized Indonesian politics from the beginning. This time, however, the split may have been true for the Muslim community itself in particular.

The ruling of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and warnings by various Muslim leaders on the gender issue seem to have been ignored by many Muslims.

Megawati has often been criticized for her silence. But she has remained silent in spite of the impressive showing of her party. She has shown her magnanimity in victory. She also proved herself strong and resilient under pressure and adverse conditions, in the face of defeat, continuous persecution and humiliation under the New Order regime. Yet she has not lost her dignity and integrity.

Some have suggested she should make the move now, approaching some other political parties for possible coalitions. But how could she do that in light of the fact that even after her election victory, she has continued to be persecuted, now on grounds of her gender, and even in effect by leaders of the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), the most likely partners in a coalition. The repeated assurances by Gus Dur of his "personal" support serve only to emphasize his ambivalence.

So how can she do it when even her most likely allies join the fervor in blocking her way, directly or otherwise, to the presidency?

Worse still, how can she do that with people who are not only jittery about her chances of her presidency, but each of whom seem to be so determined to be president themselves?

Interestingly, they seem to forget that Megawati has been set for a presidential nomination for a long time. Yet only now, after her victorious showing, have they expressed their indecisive and confusing view on her possible presidency on grounds of gender. In so doing, they have only shown they are yet to learn to lose with grace.

There is no need to seek the so-called third alternative. The nomination of any presidential candidate outside the political parties that have contested the election, especially the winning one, would be a mockery of the elections.