Learning to lose with dignity

Learning to lose with dignity

Although the final result from the polls is yet to come, the
political elite seem to be already involved in negotiations.
Political analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono casts a light on the
phenomenon.

JAKARTA (JP): Since the election, there seems to be a growing
gap between the political elite and the people at large. People
hope and expect change for the better, encompassing the
political, social and economical life of the country, that is,
reform.

On the other hand, among the political elite, reform seems to
have been forgotten. Political party leaders are more preoccupied
with the problem of coalitions, particularly in the face of the
presidential election, the technicality of which is beyond
comprehension to the people at large.

Since before the election, the political parties in Indonesia
were divided roughly between status quo and reform forces. And
people had some idea of which was which. Now, however, it's
doubtful if anyone really has a clear idea.

The changing positions and attitudes of the leaders of what
have been generally regarded as being among the main forces of
reform have since then continued to be bewildering.

The meetings held separately between Gus Dur, Amien Rais,
Hamzah Haz and Nur Mahmudi over last weekend, was a debacle. That
does it! Party leaders have been not only confusing, but they
have also been just as confused.

Faced with what has appeared to be unexpected defeat, and
burned by their own personal ambitions, they have succeeded only
in showing their uncertain commitment to democratic principles
and to democratic reform. Amien Rais said we must prevent the
situation from developing into an "either-or" issue.

How else, though, as far as the presidential election is
concerned, is this possible in a democratic system? Would we want
to go back to the days when we only had a single candidate for
president?

The hypothesis that supporters of Megawati would not accept it
unless she is elected president, and the other way round for many
"Islamic movements", as Gus Dur put it, is unfounded. It is
tendentious and seditious, and it may be a self-fulfilling
prophecy.

Coming from Gus Dur today though, such a remark may not hold
water. His enigmatic statements and behavior for the past few
years may well have confounded even those close to him. The
phenomenon may have damaged his reputation and credibility.
Until shortly before the meetings, Gus Dur had continued to
create the impression that he himself was so determined to be
president.

The same seems true with Amien Rais, although he was never as
sure as Gus Dur. He had long before declared his candidacy for
president. But in light of his poor showing at the elections, he
realized it was not his time. Nonetheless, just the day before,
he was reported he decided to join the presidential race again.

In regards to Hamzah Haz, his threat of his United Development
Party (PPP) would not join the government should Megawati be
elected president may not carry weight. How could he be sure his
party would be invited to join a Megawati-led government anyway?

However, credit is due to Nur Mahmudi of the Justice Party
(PK), whose remarks were the most sensible. He may be unduly
concerned though, over the possibility of an ideological split or
polarization. Indeed, this phenomenon has more or less
characterized Indonesian politics from the beginning. This time,
however, the split may have been true for the Muslim community
itself in particular.

The ruling of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and
warnings by various Muslim leaders on the gender issue seem to
have been ignored by many Muslims.

Megawati has often been criticized for her silence. But she
has remained silent in spite of the impressive showing of her
party. She has shown her magnanimity in victory. She also proved
herself strong and resilient under pressure and adverse
conditions, in the face of defeat, continuous persecution and
humiliation under the New Order regime. Yet she has not lost her
dignity and integrity.

Some have suggested she should make the move now, approaching
some other political parties for possible coalitions. But how
could she do that in light of the fact that even after her
election victory, she has continued to be persecuted, now on
grounds of her gender, and even in effect by leaders of the
Nation Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party
(PAN), the most likely partners in a coalition. The repeated
assurances by Gus Dur of his "personal" support serve only to
emphasize his ambivalence.

So how can she do it when even her most likely allies join the
fervor in blocking her way, directly or otherwise, to the
presidency?

Worse still, how can she do that with people who are not only
jittery about her chances of her presidency, but each of whom
seem to be so determined to be president themselves?

Interestingly, they seem to forget that Megawati has been set
for a presidential nomination for a long time. Yet only now,
after her victorious showing, have they expressed their
indecisive and confusing view on her possible presidency on
grounds of gender. In so doing, they have only shown they are yet
to learn to lose with grace.

There is no need to seek the so-called third alternative. The
nomination of any presidential candidate outside the political
parties that have contested the election, especially the winning
one, would be a mockery of the elections.