Leaders must be responsive, but not thin-skinned
Ardimas Sasdi Jakarta
Referring to the diatribes launched by some of the nation's most senior leaders in response to criticism, The Jakarta Post rightly observed recently that it is not easy being a democrat.
Leaders in a democracy, where the supreme power lies with the people, must be responsive and learn to accept sometimes harsh criticism by the people. Also, there is no place in a democracy for absolutism, which is more suited to an autocracy.
The dramatic change from Soeharto's autocracy to democracy, which began eight years ago, has required a change in the attitudes of state officials. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is aware of this, and has tried hard to become a true democrat.
Responding to the people's concerns about corruption, Susilo has launched an ambitious drive to excise this cancerous social ill. Hundreds of people involved in corruption, including "big fish" like ministers, governors, regents and lawmakers, have been tried in court for graft.
Susilo's administration also has been quick to respond to natural disasters and security problems. Religious violence in Maluku and Central Sulawesi is no longer a major threat. But the major achievement of Susilo's government has been the signing of a peace deal with the Free Aceh Movement to end a 30-year separatist rebellion in Aceh.
Susilo also has been successful in promoting a sense of urgency since day one in office. Ministers now drive Japanese- made Toyota Camrys instead of the more expensive Swiss-made Volvos, which were the official cars of Cabinet members in the administrations of the five presidents who came before Susilo.
Another part of the austerity drive has seen the Vice President and ministers switch from expensive suits to batik shirts.
These achievements, if we can call them that, however, are just like drops of water in the ocean. The people, who have been struggling since the 1997 financial crisis, want to see fast and significant changes. They want proof that things are improving economically, not empty promises.
The economic crisis also created new social problems -- poverty, unemployment and a rising crime rate. Brawls between people of different neighborhoods and villages have become more common, as people have seemingly become more sensitive and irrational.
And conditions are not improving from day to day, but rather are worsening, especially after the government raised fuel prices by an average of 120 percent in October. That was the highest increase since fuel prices were raised in 1998, which sparked nationwide protests that brought down Soeharto.
Investment, which is needed to spur economic growth and generate jobs, is has not recovered from the crisis as investors continue to view Indonesia as an unattractive destination because of a lack of incentives, weak legal system and a corrupt bureaucracy.
Citizens, who pay their taxes, are left by the government to manage their own affairs. They have to build and repair drainage systems and roads, and handle garbage disposal in their residential areas.
People also have to pay various forms of illegal fees to state officials to get ID cards, passports, driver's licenses, vehicle documents and business permits. They have no choice but to pay for the fees to corrupt officials if they want their documents processed in time.
In addition, people have to pay a handsome amount of money for their children's education, including primary and secondary school, even though Indonesia has supposedly introduced a free, nine-year compulsory education plan. Education, especially a quality one, remains an unaffordable luxury for many people.
Some people can send their children to college, but they have to empty out their savings accounts, sell their cattle, land and even houses.
The large gap in the quality and facilities of schools is another problem. Many school buildings in rural areas are so dilapidated that it affects the learning process. Some schools resemble the "chicken coops" described by Winarno Surachmad in a poem he read during the 60th anniversary of National Teacher's Day recently, which angered Vice President Jusuf Kalla.
By coincidence, or not, a week later the normally cool President Susilo, in a rare outburst, told Indonesians to see the country in a positive light. Susilo was irritated by an Indonesian student who, during a meeting with the Indonesian community in New Delhi, India, asked the government to provide all students with an affordable education, like India.
That Indonesia is lagging behind other countries in education is common knowledge. I had the privilege to visit over 14 top Canadian universities in 2002, and to do research at the University of California at Berkeley (UCB) the following year. I was upset to find very few representatives of Indonesia, a country of 225 million people, at these institutions. At UCB, known in Indonesia as the school of the "Berkeley Mafia" of economists, there were fewer Indonesians in graduate programs than students from Lebanon, a country of just four million people.
We cannot raise our heads abroad, just as President Susilo was embarrassed by the fact of endemic corruption in Indonesia.
The task of a government in a country in transition to democracy is gigantic, but the people's burden is even larger. It is the people, not the government, who should complain when there is no light at the end of the tunnel to mark the approaching end of the economic crisis. Moreover, criticism is feedback and part of political communication.
Former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, speaking for a caucus of two presidents, one vice president, a former speaker of the House of Representatives and a former presidential candidate, had a message for the government: "Leaders must not be tipis telinga (thin-skinned)", but responsive.
The writer is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post and a lecturer on the ethics and philosophy of communication at the Department of Communications, the University of Indonesia. He can be reached at ardi05@thejakartapost.com.