Leaders abuse religion for gain

By Hery Haryanto Azumi

JAKARTA (JP): Islamic movements in Indonesia's era of transition are marked by their declining sociocultural roles and an increase in their political orientation. The euphoria of reform has seduced them to compete for political power by exploiting their religious base. When power is within their reach, they inevitably use religious legitimacy either to support or oppose those in power.

This has been the phenomenon of the past three years. To begin with, the period of former president B.J. Habibie was considered a representative of modernist Muslims, as founder and chairman of the Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association (ICMI).

Support for Habibie mainly came from modernist Muslims who enjoyed closeness with the former New Order regime, especially in the 1990s when many of their cadres came to office as ministers and legislators.

Consequently, when Habibie was threatened with being ousted due to his close ties with former president Soeharto, mass mobilization took place. Islamic symbols were used and Islamic organizations stated that Habibie was a representative of Muslims, and therefore had to be defended from his rivals' political attacks.

Students who wanted him to resign were considered anti- Islamic, communists and Christians because of their apparent headquarters at the East Jakarta campus of the Indonesian Christian University and the Central Jakarta campus of the Catholic Atmajaya University, despite the fact that many students were Islamic activists affiliated to other movements.

In spite of Habibie's support from "modernists Muslims", traditionalist Muslims, best represented by the largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), formerly chaired by President Abdurrahman Wahid, did not render their support to Habibie.

NU endeavored to develop a more inclusive cultural paradigm oriented to empower the grass roots. However, the ascension of Abdurrahman to the presidency also resulted in a similar phenomenon.

The continuous attacks from his political rivals have triggered a unique defense mechanism from his followers. The first memorandum of censure from the legislature invited protests from Muslims in villages, the seat of the President's support. They flooded Jakarta to prevent another censure which could lead to impeachment.

What was interesting, however, was the proposal of distinguished ulemas that an Islamic legal opinion should be issued on the rebellion or dissidence (bughat), for those considered trying to topple him. In their view, Abdurrahman, or Gus Dur, was democratically elected and had not violated the Constitution, so no measures should be permitted which could lead to his impeachment.

As far as politics is concerned, it is clear that Islamic movements tend to use their religious legitimacy to justify political interests.

What is worrying is the possibility of Islamic movements becoming trapped in political games, leading to the loss of their social and cultural roles. Conflict among respective followers will only result in battles among Muslims themselves. Abundant support for the respective movements due to religious affiliation only makes Islam a tool for political triumph.

This factional conflict spells disaster for cultural discourse. All resources will be exhausted for political objectives. Empowerment of the grass roots will also be neglected; this includes inter-group dialog that allows mutual acceptance of different cultures.

NU could, for example, enrich the modernist Muhammadiyah with the cultural touch that it lacks. In turn, NU could also borrow technical and practical advantages from Muhammadiyah.

Political parties with links both to NU and Muhammadiyah, mainly the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), should play their political games without involving these two large organizations, which could be destroyed.

The Islamic movements should also restrain themselves from intervening in politics. They should focus on their struggle for the benefit of oppressed people, not for factional gains. Wasn't Islam born to free the oppressed?

The writer is a student at the State Institute for Islamic Studies Jakarta and a volunteer at the International Republican Institute Indonesia.