JP/yearend/PAPUA
Special autonomy implementation in Papua treading water
A'an Suryana The Jakarta Post/Jakarta
Four years after special autonomy legislation came into effect in Papua, it has been called a failure for not living up to the expectations of the people. Special autonomy has not improved the lives of Papuans, many of whom live in poverty in spite of the funds channeled to regional administrations for the autonomy drive, which total between Rp 1.3 trillion and Rp 1.5 trillion a year.
Many Papuans feel alienated as they continue to lack representation in the process of public policy-making on their own soil.
It was not until November this year, for example, that the central government established the much-awaited Papuan People's Council (MRP).
The government's commitment to special autonomy has always been questionable, particularly after then president Megawati Soekarnoputri took the surprising step in 2003 of instructing the partition of Papua into three provinces -- Papua, Central Irian Jaya and West Papua. The instruction violated the law on special autonomy issued in 2001. The law rules that the MRP must give its approval -- or at least have been consulted -- before a new province is established. But, at the time of the partition, the MRP was yet to be established.
Since that year, protests by Papuans have been frequent, but all have fallen on deaf ears. The discontent culminated in August this year when some 10,000 Papuans stormed the office of the Papua legislative council in Jayapura, demanding the government review the special autonomy law.
The Papuans, in the largest protest ever staged in the province, also demanded that the central government hold a national and international dialog to solve Papua's problems. The protest was an accumulation of displeasure among Papuans on the way the government handled the special autonomy drive.
Aware that the Papua discontent could escalate, the central government then prepared several measures to win the hearts and minds of Papuans. In the MRP case, the government has expedited the MRP's establishment with 42 MRP members finally elected and inaugurated in October this year.
The government has also delayed indefinitely the election of West Papua governor set for Nov. 28 amid mounting protest over the legitimacy of West Papua province. As earlier stated, many Papuans have considered the establishment of West Papua province invalid as it violated the special autonomy law.
In tackling the issue of wealth distribution, the government has taken a tough stance against local government officials allegedly involved in corruption. Such stern measures are needed as corruption has been considered the culprit behind the faltering wealth distribution process under the special autonomy drive, with the money going to the coffers of Papuan officials and not the people.
Some Papuan government officials are being prosecuted including David Hubi, the regent of Jayawijaya, who has been accused of embezzling regental budget funds in 2002 and 2003 amounting to Rp 100 billion (US$10.4 million).
But, the above measures are not enough. The government has to identify areas where there is room for improvement. Sending corrupt government officials to jail may deter others from committing crimes, but combating corruption is just one issue that the government has to deal with in terms of wealth redistribution.
The most important issue in wealth redistribution is that Papuan officials lack training, experience and awareness in redistributing wealth through development. Local government officials have to be trained in order to enable them to plan and execute development programs. Awareness that the money under the autonomy drive is coming from the people, and is for the people, must be instilled in their minds.
The prudent use of special autonomy funds is important as vast funds have been allocated.
Under the autonomy law, Papua receives 70 percent of oil and gas revenues, while before special autonomy, the easternmost province received 15 percent of state revenues, with the remaining 85 percent going to the central government's coffers.
Despite the considerable money going into the autonomy drive, the funds have not been well spent.
Papuan opposition leader Fadel Al Hamid said the distribution of wealth in Papua continued to be poorly implemented.
The funds disbursed this year totaled Rp 1.7 trillion for a population of some 2 million people, but only 400,000 of them benefited from the money, he claimed. "Those 400,000 consist of Papua government officials and their families," said Fadel, the secretary to the Papuan Customary Council, quoted as saying by Kompas daily on Aug. 6.
It is ironic that Papua is rich in natural resources but its people still live in abject poverty.
Meanwhile, in the issue of representativeness, the government has still excluded pro-independence Papuans from the policy- making process, thus keeping their spirit for independence alive. The pro-independence leaders are not represented in any of the people's representative institutions, be it the MRP or political parties. Including them in the policy-making process has become a challenge for the government, which hopes to put to an end the ongoing struggle in the region for self determination through their inclusion.
Granting them the opportunity to set up local political parties like in Aceh under the Helsinki peace deal could be one option, though some are of the opinion that this could result in a backlash against the central government later on.
The government should also work at winning back Papuans' trust, which is at an all-time low due to the partition of Papua and the long delay before the MRP was set up.
From a Papuan perspective, the two examples reflect the central government's habit of bending the law. In order to regain trust from Papuans, the government should respect the law above all else.