JP/5/MEG2

In this context -- taking into account the intensive public discourse on the need to amend the 1945 Constitution and to give as wide as possible opportunity for all segments of society to contribute to its perfection -- it seems to be more beneficial for the Assembly to focus its attention on assembling terms of reference that could hopefully function as a main guideline for preparing the amendment's concept. This main framework could also be used to widen public political discourse. The substance of this dynamic discourse can also be crystallized and drafted comprehensively, systematically and professionally by a constitutional commission, to be then reviewed and endorsed by the Assembly's General Session.

I believe that these measures would not only update the 1945 Constitution that contains important historical values and reinforce its open and democratic nature, but they would also smoothen its implementation.

In building up the basis for amendment comprehensively and conceptually, some points may need further contemplation and a fundamental solution. These include the nature of a unitary state that acknowledges institutionally and operationally the right to regional autonomy; the basic policy of retaining political unity and national territorial integrity; institutional relations between the legislative and executive branches; the general electoral system; relations between the regional and central governments; the formula of implications to statehood arising from our diversity, including respect for local customs, cultures and traditional institutions. The essence is the formulation of a concrete form of our system of society, nation and state in the constitution, enabling the reality of our slogan "Unity in Diversity" (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), as enshrined in our National Coat of Arms.

In particular we need to draw attention to relations between our traditional societies spread out across the vast Indonesian archipelago, based on the spirit of nationhood and of the Unitary State of the Republic. Our clarity in understanding the relations among these three elements is a constant factor, and is a crucial key for the continuity and progress of our beloved republic.

The 1945 Constitution itself acknowledges the traditional societies and their local environments, referring to them as "special regions".

Our long history has recorded wide and intense relations among members of these various traditional societies. There have been family relations, customary and cultural ties, and close economic ties, among inhabitants of one island with another. These complex historical bonds can be considered as a solid social and cultural foundation for the emergence and the development of a sense of nationalism in modern terms.

The development of a new Indonesia also requires restructuring the relations between the central and local governments. We are aware of the fact that the overly centralistic infrastructure has not only been inefficient, but is has also failed to provide space for the growth and development of our citizens' initiatives and creativity. In the system of relations between the central government and the regions, a large part of authority and budgetary support should be allotted to the regencies and mayoralties. The task and authority of the central government will only be focused on a number of strategic fields that are really needed by the nation.

On a more operational level, which directly or indirectly influences the politics of law and the policy of law enforcement, there is also a need to draw a clearer line on the essence, nature, method and form of the reform movement as well as the process to democracy which we embarked upon together in 1998.

I have observed and listened closely to complaints by some members of society, which indicate that under the banner of reform and democratization there has been much to be doubted, as to whether actions are justified under reform or whether they have instead exceeded their proportion. In several instances, we witnessed the outbreak of various mass riots, some of which were conducted in the name of reform and democratization. These series of actions have raised concerns over the possibility of anarchy emerging in our midst, either in mild or violent forms. All this has raised the question of the need for gradual reform and democratization with a clear agenda under the system of representative democracy that we adhere to, namely through the representative bodies. These councils comprise representatives who we choose ourselves through general elections that are organized directly, generally, freely, confidentially, fairly, and justly, and which we should therefore trust.

We do not indeed need to address all these problems from scratch. Apart from reinforcing our many experiences in nationhood and statehood, we can also benefit from various ideas, especially those related to the promotion and fulfillment of civil rights and political rights as well as social, economic and cultural rights in our respect for human rights in the framework of the United Nations' system.

We must admit that our understanding of human rights in today's modern world lacks depth and dimension. We need to observe this important point, as human rights are rapidly advancing and becoming one of those basic cornerstones or parameters to judge whether a nation-state has reached a modern stage.

Another important point that we need to ponder upon in drafting and implementing the modernization of the 1945 Constitution is the decline of our social discipline. There have been cases in which we have been inconsistent in implementing what we have so far agreed upon, as manifested in our disrespect of the law and the rules of the game normally found in a modern nation-state. All of these create the impression that there has been a missing link between what we think, see and do in real life.

Our difficulty in eradicating collusion, corruption and nepotism (KKN) has directly or indirectly resulted in the crisis that has swept the nation since 1997.

Unlike a feudalistic society which does not tend to see KKN as a big mistake, a democratic society sees this as a tremendous problem.

Regardless of how trivial they may be, KKN practices will transgress public trust and at the same time violate one's official oath.

In this context, allow me to humbly report to this august gathering that I have privately gathered all members of my immediate family, requesting them to solemnly pledge not to open the slightest window of opportunity for the recurrence of KKN in my family.

They have given me their solemn pledge, and I hope that they will be able to resist the many temptations around them.

I am sure that we will be able to undertake a major breakthrough to stop and overcome these KKN practices if we in this Nusantara Room promise -- at least in our hearts -- to avoid them.

I have also requested all my Cabinet members to report their wealth and as soon as possible submit their report to the Public Servants' Wealth Audit Commission.

Although this looks simple, perhaps this small step will become a starting point of a much bigger social change, which we must carry out promptly. We need to start from our respective families and ourselves. God willing, gradually, but in the not-so-distant future, we will be able to become one of those well-managed, highly rated governments.

But more importantly, with this step we will be able to utilize more effectively and efficiently our national resources for the sake of the public's welfare.

There have been enough lessons from neighboring countries that indicate how people's welfare has tended to run parallel with good governance which in turn is a crucial factor in maintaining stability in the political, social and security sphere. Experience has also shown that such stability is a prerequisite for economic progress to be enjoyed by the people.

Recently discourse has developed on the concept of a people's economy. It should be admitted that the meaning, the scope and content of this concept have yet to be clarified. Hopefully this honorable session agrees, that in our current transition, we should first be able to reach a solid understanding of such basic issues.

As with other concepts, we also need the ability to give shape to that concept. As a concept expected to become a system of national scale, the ability is needed to break it down into strategies and operational programs. We have much experience with all sorts of concepts, but we have faced difficulties in implementing them. This is why I sincerely hope that we can be wise in introducing new concepts expected to reach a national scope. Because in relation to welfare and the economy, we seem to have a clear reference in the 1945 Constitution: "... advancing public welfare, educating the nation ..." etc. What is needed is the development and breaking down of these areas.

In this framework, I hope that above vision and strategy of development can be food for thought for us all.