JP/5/MEG2

JP/5/MEG2

In this context -- taking into account the intensive public
discourse on the need to amend the 1945 Constitution and to give
as wide as possible opportunity for all segments of society to
contribute to its perfection -- it seems to be more beneficial
for the Assembly to focus its attention on assembling terms of
reference that could hopefully function as a main guideline for
preparing the amendment's concept. This main framework could also
be used to widen public political discourse. The substance of
this dynamic discourse can also be crystallized and drafted
comprehensively, systematically and professionally by a
constitutional commission, to be then reviewed and endorsed by
the Assembly's General Session.

I believe that these measures would not only update the 1945
Constitution that contains important historical values and
reinforce its open and democratic nature, but they would also
smoothen its implementation.

In building up the basis for amendment comprehensively and
conceptually, some points may need further contemplation and a
fundamental solution. These include the nature of a unitary state
that acknowledges institutionally and operationally the right to
regional autonomy; the basic policy of retaining political unity
and national territorial integrity; institutional relations
between the legislative and executive branches; the general
electoral system; relations between the regional and central
governments; the formula of implications to statehood arising
from our diversity, including respect for local customs, cultures
and traditional institutions. The essence is the formulation of a
concrete form of our system of society, nation and state in the
constitution, enabling the reality of our slogan "Unity in
Diversity" (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), as enshrined in our National
Coat of Arms.

In particular we need to draw attention to relations between
our traditional societies spread out across the vast Indonesian
archipelago, based on the spirit of nationhood and of the Unitary
State of the Republic. Our clarity in understanding the relations
among these three elements is a constant factor, and is a crucial
key for the continuity and progress of our beloved republic.

The 1945 Constitution itself acknowledges the traditional
societies and their local environments, referring to them as
"special regions".

Our long history has recorded wide and intense relations
among members of these various traditional societies. There have
been family relations, customary and cultural ties, and close
economic ties, among inhabitants of one island with another.
These complex historical bonds can be considered as a solid
social and cultural foundation for the emergence and the
development of a sense of nationalism in modern terms.

The development of a new Indonesia also requires restructuring
the relations between the central and local governments. We are
aware of the fact that the overly centralistic infrastructure has
not only been inefficient, but is has also failed to provide
space for the growth and development of our citizens' initiatives
and creativity. In the system of relations between the central
government and the regions, a large part of authority and
budgetary support should be allotted to the regencies and
mayoralties. The task and authority of the central government
will only be focused on a number of strategic fields that are
really needed by the nation.

On a more operational level, which directly or indirectly
influences the politics of law and the policy of law enforcement,
there is also a need to draw a clearer line on the essence,
nature, method and form of the reform movement as well as the
process to democracy which we embarked upon together in 1998.

I have observed and listened closely to complaints by some
members of society, which indicate that under the banner of
reform and democratization there has been much to be doubted, as
to whether actions are justified under reform or whether they
have instead exceeded their proportion. In several instances, we
witnessed the outbreak of various mass riots, some of which were
conducted in the name of reform and democratization. These series
of actions have raised concerns over the possibility of anarchy
emerging in our midst, either in mild or violent forms. All this
has raised the question of the need for gradual reform and
democratization with a clear agenda under the system of
representative democracy that we adhere to, namely through the
representative bodies. These councils comprise representatives
who we choose ourselves through general elections that are
organized directly, generally, freely, confidentially, fairly,
and justly, and which we should therefore trust.

We do not indeed need to address all these problems from
scratch. Apart from reinforcing our many experiences in
nationhood and statehood, we can also benefit from various ideas,
especially those related to the promotion and fulfillment of
civil rights and political rights as well as social, economic and
cultural rights in our respect for human rights in the framework
of the United Nations' system.

We must admit that our understanding of human rights in
today's modern world lacks depth and dimension. We need to
observe this important point, as human rights are rapidly
advancing and becoming one of those basic cornerstones or
parameters to judge whether a nation-state has reached a modern
stage.

Another important point that we need to ponder upon in
drafting and implementing the modernization of the 1945
Constitution is the decline of our social discipline. There have
been cases in which we have been inconsistent in implementing
what we have so far agreed upon, as manifested in our disrespect
of the law and the rules of the game normally found in a modern
nation-state. All of these create the impression that there has
been a missing link between what we think, see and do in real
life.

Our difficulty in eradicating collusion, corruption and
nepotism (KKN) has directly or indirectly resulted in the crisis
that has swept the nation since 1997.

Unlike a feudalistic society which does not tend to see KKN as
a big mistake, a democratic society sees this as a tremendous
problem.

Regardless of how trivial they may be, KKN practices will
transgress public trust and at the same time violate one's
official oath.

In this context, allow me to humbly report to this august
gathering that I have privately gathered all members of my
immediate family, requesting them to solemnly pledge not to open
the slightest window of opportunity for the recurrence of KKN in
my family.

They have given me their solemn pledge, and I hope that they
will be able to resist the many temptations around them.

I am sure that we will be able to undertake a major
breakthrough to stop and overcome these KKN practices if we in
this Nusantara Room promise -- at least in our hearts -- to avoid
them.

I have also requested all my Cabinet members to report their
wealth and as soon as possible submit their report to the Public
Servants' Wealth Audit Commission.

Although this looks simple, perhaps this small step will
become a starting point of a much bigger social change, which we
must carry out promptly. We need to start from our respective
families and ourselves. God willing, gradually, but in the
not-so-distant future, we will be able to become one of those
well-managed, highly rated governments.

But more importantly, with this step we will be able to
utilize more effectively and efficiently our national resources
for the sake of the public's welfare.

There have been enough lessons from neighboring countries that
indicate how people's welfare has tended to run parallel with
good governance which in turn is a crucial factor in maintaining
stability in the political, social and security sphere.
Experience has also shown that such stability is a prerequisite
for economic progress to be enjoyed by the people.

Recently discourse has developed on the concept of a people's
economy. It should be admitted that the meaning, the scope and
content of this concept have yet to be clarified. Hopefully this
honorable session agrees, that in our current transition, we
should first be able to reach a solid understanding of such basic
issues.

As with other concepts, we also need the ability to give shape
to that concept. As a concept expected to become a system of
national scale, the ability is needed to break it down into
strategies and operational programs. We have much experience with
all sorts of concepts, but we have faced difficulties in
implementing them. This is why I sincerely hope that we can be
wise in introducing new concepts expected to reach a national
scope. Because in relation to welfare and the economy, we seem to
have a clear reference in the 1945 Constitution: "... advancing
public welfare, educating the nation ..." etc. What is needed is
the development and breaking down of these areas.

In this framework, I hope that above vision and strategy of
development can be food for thought for us all.