Japan's shining star dims in Southeast Asia

Don Pathan, The Nation, Asia News Network, Tokyo

From the killing fields of Cambodia to the region-wide economic crisis in 1997, cooperation between Japan and ASEAN has come a long way.

There have been some ups and downs but all in all, the Japan- ASEAN alliance has satisfied each side's needs. ASEAN, during the hectic Cold War years, needed powerful friends. Japan, on the other hand, saw in the regional grouping a forum to expand its sphere of influence.

It hasn't been smooth sailing, however. The move to engage Southeast Asia came at a time when the region's leftists perceived the Japanese as American lackeys, not a business partner that could be trusted.

Tokyo took the perception seriously and went back to the drawing board. The outcome was the 1977 Fukuda Doctrine that called for a "heart to heart" understanding between the two sides.

The announcement of the doctrine was timely and a source of comfort for ASEAN amid blaring propaganda over the "red scare", the domino theory and then the invasion of Cambodia by Vietnamese troops to oust the murderous Khmer Rouge.

Japan's friendship towards ASEAN during the Cold War years was highly appreciated. At the Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM), Japan's active participation helped paved the way for the historic Paris Peace Accord that helped put a lid on the bloody conflict in Cambodia and laid the foundation for democratization.

Tokyo demonstrated its determination to gain influence in the region in the aftermath of the bloody 1997 coup when Hun Sen drove his co-premier Prince Norodom Ranariddh out of Phnom Penh and pushed royalist troops to the Thai border. Japan brokered a political settlement that lead to the general election in 1999.

Perhaps Japan's most noticeable contribution was in economic assistance and infrastructure development aimed at bridging the gap between the richer ASEAN members and the new ones -- namely Cambodia, Laos, Burma and Vietnam.

Japan chaired and funded numerous studies on infrastructure, economic and human resource developments in the Greater Mekong Sub-region in an arrangement that was largely defined as donor- recipient, although "equal partners" became the preferred expression for the diplomats.

Next week Japan is expected to announce its "unwavering support" for the region at the ASEAN-Japan Commemorative Summit in Tokyo. The two sides are expected to reiterate their commitment to "act together and advance together" in the new era, says Shinichi Nishimiya, deputy director-general of the Japanese Foreign Ministry's Asian and Oceanic Affairs Bureau.

To commemorate ASEAN-Japan Exchange Year 2003 -- in which the summit will be the crowning event -- over 700 cultural, educational and academic events have been organized.

While the summit will be an opportune time to look back at past achievements, the event also comes at a time when Tokyo's position in the region is standing on shaky ground.

Observers say Tokyo can no longer count on its largesse to win ASEAN hearts and minds. Some say it will have to rethink its approach amid growing Chinese influence in the region.

Beijing has worked hard to woo ASEAN since 1995 when a statement from the grouping condemned China's conduct over Mischief Reef, part of the disputed territory in the South China Sea.

It has tried to behave responsibly, vowing to exercise self- restraint around the disputed area. Consequently, Beijing for the first time agreed to negotiate with other claimants to the area.

China also won some brownie points from ASEAN during the 1997 economic crisis by deciding not to devalue its currency, the yuan. Conversely, Japan was not able to make any capital from its US$80-billion (Bt3.2 trillion) assistance package and its decision to reschedule debt repayment.

Furthermore, when the idea of an Asian Monetary Fund resurfaced, Japan balked at the idea for fear that it would antagonize the United States.

Tokyo's Chiang Mai Initiative in 2000 calling on the region to be less dependent on the US greenback and more on regional currency -- meaning the yen -- was deemed as too little, too late.

At the ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh last year, China gained tremendous ground at the expense of Japan when prime minister Ju Rongji proposed a Mekong development scheme aimed at integrating southern China into the heart of Southeast Asia.

Projects under this scheme included a power grid and road construction, including the Asian Development Bank-studied Route 3 that would link Yunnan to Chiang Rai through northern Laos.

Besides personnel, China is offering soft loans to the Lao government to develop the transnational highway, which is doing more to enhance Beijing's strategic interest than the economic activities that will be generated by the road.

As for reconciliation in Burma -- ASEAN's black sheep -- some members, including Thailand, are leaning towards China to help push through a road map aimed at legitimizing the military junta.

The magic Japan produced in Jakarta two decades ago that helped end to the "Killing Fields" is no longer there, it seems. What Japan will do now is debatable, for there is no indication that Tokyo is willing to think differently and act differently.