Japan's quest for its security
By Santo Darmosumarto
JAKARTA (JP): This past week, the Japanese Self-Defense Force (SDF) celebrated its anniversary by showing some of its sophisticated weaponry. Having been deprived of its "normal state" status since the end of World War II, Japan has lately looked for ways to become more involved in international and regional security issues.
Despite receiving continued security assurances from the United States, Japan realizes it can no longer totally depend on such guarantees considering that American troops have been gradually pulling out of the region.
However, considering the alarm that rebuilding the Japanese military could raise among neighboring countries, Tokyo's quest for security has been through greater participation in less conventional (and less sensitive) areas such as United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, small arms proliferation and maritime piracy.
A number of issues still troubles the region's security environment. Long standing territorial disputes and historical animosities stimulate mistrust and suspicions among a few countries. Regional arms buildups are once again being implemented after a long hiatus during the economic crisis.
There are growing trends of non-conventional security problems such as transnational crime and insurgency, which in part, is sustained by the illicit proliferation of small arms. And to make things worse, efforts to establish an effective multilateral security entity, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), have generally been marred by a lack of political will.
Although the ARF has become, over the years, an important medium for building confidence and discussing security concerns at the general level, it lacks mechanisms to deal with more specific and "sensitive" issues in a concrete manner.
Japan has a great stake in ensuring regional stability. The survival of the Japanese economy depends on continued free and uninterrupted access through the region's trade lanes. Armed conflicts or other forms of violent activities along or around these lanes would interfere with Japan's trade with Europe and the Middle East. If allowed to develop, the consequences of such conditions could result in serious damage to Japan's national economy.
The United States recognizes the value of its alliance with Japan as a means to preserve the former's influence in the Asia- Pacific. However, budget constraints have forced the Americans to gradually diminish their physical presence and encourage their allies to become less dependent on American security guarantees.
The 1997 New Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation, which envisages a greater role within the alliance for the Japanese and the need for increased burden sharing. Therefore, it comes as no surprise that officials in Tokyo are increasingly voicing the need to pursue policies that will guarantee greater self-defense capabilities and involvement in the maintenance of regional stability.
The Japanese government's ambition has not been free of challenges and criticisms. In addition to causing suspicions concerning the possible revival of Japanese militarism, the proposed expansion of Japan's security role raises fears of repeating bitter World War II experiences.
Such concerns are prevalent among neighboring countries, especially China, which has deep scars as a result of Japan's invasion and occupation during that period.
In Japan, Tokyo's security goals are confronted by disapproving views on militarism. The country's Constitution, clearly states that Self Defense Forces are allowed to operate only within scope and limit of Japan's national defense. Having suffered immensely from its past dabbling in trying to manage regional stability, most Japanese prefer their government not to pursue a foreign policy that is supplemented by increased military involvement abroad because it would turn attention away from the economic sector.
To get around the problem, Tokyo is carefully formulating a policy within the framework of less conventional and sensitive issues.
This policy follows the 1995 National Defense Program Outline, which foresees expanding the SDF's role to include UN peacekeeping and SAR activities as well as dealing with international terrorism and transnational crime. By pursuing its goals within such a framework, a shift in policy would allow Japan to respond better to its own defense needs and contribute more towards building a stable international environment.
The Japanese have been known for their "checkbook diplomacy", in which their participation in maintaining international peace and stability has been limited to strictly financial aspects of the process. However, in an unusual move, Tokyo passed legislation in 1991 authorizing the SDF to participate in UN peacekeeping and SAR operations. In 1998, this decree was strengthened by permitting Japanese forces involved in UN-led missions to utilize their weapons for self-defense.
By becoming involved in UN security operations, armed Japanese troops are now deployed beyond the scope of their national defense without necessarily raising alarm and suspicion in neighboring countries.
This also provides an opportunity to become more involved in directly preserving regional and international stability. In general, Japan's increased participation in UN-led missions is supported by a considerable segment of the population. However, there remain those who oppose the proposal for various reasons. As a result, the Japanese government now has the difficult task of selling its proposal to the public, both within the country and abroad.
In addition to peacekeeping operations, Japan has become increasingly involved in finding ways to stop maritime piracy. Considering that high levels of piracy pose a threat to the security of Japan's trade lanes, Tokyo has been a strong supporter of regional actions to tackle the problem.
One of the proposals introduced by the Japanese calls for joint patrols and exercises involving Japan's coast guards in piracy-prone waters such as the Malacca Strait and the South China Sea.
Most Southeast Asian countries are receptive to the idea because it would help reduce policing costs. However, the proposal's realization may prove to be more difficult than anticipated, as China is apprehensive about increasing the physical presence of Japanese military in the region as well as Japan's growing involvement in regional security management.
Because the growth of transnational crime is closely related to the increasing availability of small arms, Japan has also concerned itself with efforts to curb the proliferation of such weapons.
These efforts -- mostly in the form of sponsoring seminars and conferences -- have concentrated on getting countries to recognize the extent to which small arms proliferation poses a grave danger to regional security.
Japan hopes to stimulate awareness of the need for more serious discussions aimed at solving the problem.
At the UN, Japan has been vocal in pushing the issue to the forefront of discussions, as it was one of the prominent backers for the establishment of the Panel on Small Arms.
Regionally, the Japanese funded the Jakarta Regional Seminar on the Illicit Trafficking of Small Arms (May 4-6) and the larger Asia Regional Workshop on Small Arms (June 8-9) in Tokyo.
Japan sees its involvement in this movement as an indirect means to ensure the safety of its trade markets and lanes, while somewhat improving its national security.
The region's uncertain security environment, coupled with waning Japanese confidence of the United States' security guarantees have forced the SDF to assume an greater role in ensuring the national security and maintaining regional stability.
This is not intended as a replacement of the U.S.-Japan pact, but as a supplement because the alliance continues to be mutually beneficial. Taking into account the challenges from abroad and within, an approach that concentrates on participation in unconventional, less-sensitive areas of security yields greater potential for the Japanese, not only to achieve their quest for security, but also to take a small step towards re-establishing its "normal state" status.
The writer is a researcher of Southeast Asian security issues in Jakarta.