Japan's quest for its security
Japan's quest for its security
By Santo Darmosumarto
JAKARTA (JP): This past week, the Japanese Self-Defense Force
(SDF) celebrated its anniversary by showing some of its
sophisticated weaponry. Having been deprived of its "normal
state" status since the end of World War II, Japan has lately
looked for ways to become more involved in international and
regional security issues.
Despite receiving continued security assurances from the
United States, Japan realizes it can no longer totally depend on
such guarantees considering that American troops have been
gradually pulling out of the region.
However, considering the alarm that rebuilding the Japanese
military could raise among neighboring countries, Tokyo's quest
for security has been through greater participation in less
conventional (and less sensitive) areas such as United Nations
(UN) peacekeeping, small arms proliferation and maritime piracy.
A number of issues still troubles the region's security
environment. Long standing territorial disputes and historical
animosities stimulate mistrust and suspicions among a few
countries. Regional arms buildups are once again being
implemented after a long hiatus during the economic crisis.
There are growing trends of non-conventional security problems
such as transnational crime and insurgency, which in part, is
sustained by the illicit proliferation of small arms. And to make
things worse, efforts to establish an effective multilateral
security entity, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), have
generally been marred by a lack of political will.
Although the ARF has become, over the years, an important
medium for building confidence and discussing security concerns
at the general level, it lacks mechanisms to deal with more
specific and "sensitive" issues in a concrete manner.
Japan has a great stake in ensuring regional stability. The
survival of the Japanese economy depends on continued free and
uninterrupted access through the region's trade lanes. Armed
conflicts or other forms of violent activities along or around
these lanes would interfere with Japan's trade with Europe and
the Middle East. If allowed to develop, the consequences of such
conditions could result in serious damage to Japan's national
economy.
The United States recognizes the value of its alliance with
Japan as a means to preserve the former's influence in the Asia-
Pacific. However, budget constraints have forced the Americans to
gradually diminish their physical presence and encourage their
allies to become less dependent on American security guarantees.
The 1997 New Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation,
which envisages a greater role within the alliance for the
Japanese and the need for increased burden sharing. Therefore, it
comes as no surprise that officials in Tokyo are increasingly
voicing the need to pursue policies that will guarantee greater
self-defense capabilities and involvement in the maintenance of
regional stability.
The Japanese government's ambition has not been free of
challenges and criticisms. In addition to causing suspicions
concerning the possible revival of Japanese militarism, the
proposed expansion of Japan's security role raises fears of
repeating bitter World War II experiences.
Such concerns are prevalent among neighboring countries,
especially China, which has deep scars as a result of Japan's
invasion and occupation during that period.
In Japan, Tokyo's security goals are confronted by
disapproving views on militarism. The country's Constitution,
clearly states that Self Defense Forces are allowed to operate
only within scope and limit of Japan's national defense. Having
suffered immensely from its past dabbling in trying to manage
regional stability, most Japanese prefer their government not to
pursue a foreign policy that is supplemented by increased
military involvement abroad because it would turn attention away
from the economic sector.
To get around the problem, Tokyo is carefully formulating a
policy within the framework of less conventional and sensitive
issues.
This policy follows the 1995 National Defense Program Outline,
which foresees expanding the SDF's role to include UN
peacekeeping and SAR activities as well as dealing with
international terrorism and transnational crime. By pursuing its
goals within such a framework, a shift in policy would allow
Japan to respond better to its own defense needs and contribute
more towards building a stable international environment.
The Japanese have been known for their "checkbook diplomacy",
in which their participation in maintaining international peace
and stability has been limited to strictly financial aspects of
the process. However, in an unusual move, Tokyo passed
legislation in 1991 authorizing the SDF to participate in UN
peacekeeping and SAR operations. In 1998, this decree was
strengthened by permitting Japanese forces involved in UN-led
missions to utilize their weapons for self-defense.
By becoming involved in UN security operations, armed Japanese
troops are now deployed beyond the scope of their national
defense without necessarily raising alarm and suspicion in
neighboring countries.
This also provides an opportunity to become more involved in
directly preserving regional and international stability. In
general, Japan's increased participation in UN-led missions is
supported by a considerable segment of the population. However,
there remain those who oppose the proposal for various reasons.
As a result, the Japanese government now has the difficult task
of selling its proposal to the public, both within the country
and abroad.
In addition to peacekeeping operations, Japan has become
increasingly involved in finding ways to stop maritime piracy.
Considering that high levels of piracy pose a threat to the
security of Japan's trade lanes, Tokyo has been a strong
supporter of regional actions to tackle the problem.
One of the proposals introduced by the Japanese calls for
joint patrols and exercises involving Japan's coast guards in
piracy-prone waters such as the Malacca Strait and the South
China Sea.
Most Southeast Asian countries are receptive to the idea
because it would help reduce policing costs. However, the
proposal's realization may prove to be more difficult than
anticipated, as China is apprehensive about increasing the
physical presence of Japanese military in the region as well as
Japan's growing involvement in regional security management.
Because the growth of transnational crime is closely related
to the increasing availability of small arms, Japan has also
concerned itself with efforts to curb the proliferation of such
weapons.
These efforts -- mostly in the form of sponsoring seminars and
conferences -- have concentrated on getting countries to
recognize the extent to which small arms proliferation poses a
grave danger to regional security.
Japan hopes to stimulate awareness of the need for more
serious discussions aimed at solving the problem.
At the UN, Japan has been vocal in pushing the issue to the
forefront of discussions, as it was one of the prominent backers
for the establishment of the Panel on Small Arms.
Regionally, the Japanese funded the Jakarta Regional Seminar
on the Illicit Trafficking of Small Arms (May 4-6) and the larger
Asia Regional Workshop on Small Arms (June 8-9) in Tokyo.
Japan sees its involvement in this movement as an indirect
means to ensure the safety of its trade markets and lanes, while
somewhat improving its national security.
The region's uncertain security environment, coupled with
waning Japanese confidence of the United States' security
guarantees have forced the SDF to assume an greater role in
ensuring the national security and maintaining regional
stability.
This is not intended as a replacement of the U.S.-Japan pact,
but as a supplement because the alliance continues to be mutually
beneficial. Taking into account the challenges from abroad and
within, an approach that concentrates on participation in
unconventional, less-sensitive areas of security yields greater
potential for the Japanese, not only to achieve their quest for
security, but also to take a small step towards re-establishing
its "normal state" status.
The writer is a researcher of Southeast Asian security issues
in Jakarta.