Japan eyes permanent seat on UNSC

Japan eyes permanent seat on UNSC

AKP Mochtan, Tokyo

Japan's political-diplomatic crusade is entering its final
phase. In Larger Freedom, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's newly
released report, has set out a framework and timetable to address
global challenges confronting our survival. The urgent agenda
items include reform of the present UN Security Council (UNSC),
enlarging the current number of its permanent members to a new
total of 24 by adding new members who do not have the power to
veto decisions. Japan is one of the hopeful aspirants, expecting
to be confirmed possibly by this September when the world leaders
get together in conjunction with the 60th anniversary of the
world body.

Ascendancy as a permanent member of the UNSC forms the core of
Japanese diplomacy. Tokyo has worked diligently to prove its
worth. Recognizing that financial prowess alone would not
suffice, Tokyo has taken great pains to make possible the
dispatch of its troops to peacekeeping operations, a highly
charged issue in the constitutionally pacifist nation. With this,
Japan made a significant leap forward as a full and equal actor
in international and security affairs.

On the finance side, Japan has a proud, incontestable record.
It contributes close to 20 percent of the UN regular budget,
second only to the United States and surpasses the combined
contributions of the four other current permanent members of the
UNSC. Tokyo has also been consistent in financing recent post-
conflict peace-building activities as well as providing
substantive voluntary contributions to other UN programs and
specialized agencies. With endless crises around the world, most
requiring urgent interventions with huge funding, Japan is likely
expected to continue to top the list in shouldering UN expenses.

As suitable and likely a candidate it may be, Japan's
acceptance as a permanent member of the UNSC cannot be taken for
granted. There may not be outright rejections of Japan's bid, but
the majority of presumed supporters are remaining silent. Given
the short lead time available, the silence is deafening.

An important first step for Japan is to articulate its vision
and mission clearly. Securing a permanent seat on the UNSC might
have started as a national aspiration. But an explanation of the
post-election scenario, particularly how Tokyo will align and
synergize its own strategic interests with those of the larger
world community, is conspicuously lacking. It is time Japan
explains how it intends to transcend its national ambitions and
to place greater priority on meeting the diverse needs of the
international community. A clear vision from Tokyo will help to
eliminate skeptics and hopefully build the trust of the great
majority of its friends -- not only of a few, exclusive allies.

Equally important, clarity and trust must also prevail in
Japan's financial assistance. This goes beyond contributions to
the UN and includes overall funds for development assistance. As
the world's second-largest donor, Japan's aid budget is huge. The
world will expect Japan to continue its financial largess. In
light of this, Tokyo must ensure its generosity and good
intentions are not seen as "buying" support.

Japan must carefully assess how and where its aid is directed.
Clear signals on the direction of its aid will help clarifying
its orientation. Japan must strive to win over the largest
possible audience, not simply please a narrow coalition of a
limited group of powerful states. For this purpose, two
suggestions might help Japan to shape its aid disbursement
strategy.

The first is to reconfirm Asia and Africa as top-priority
areas. Understandably, Japan strategic interests go far beyond
these two continents. Asia, however, represents Japan's own
roots. African nations, on the other hand, are struggling with
many of the world's gravest challenges. They would benefit
tremendously from Japan's expert assistance.

Japan has already introduced numerous initiatives in Asia and
recently in Africa. The challenge is how to consolidate and
repackage these various initiatives in an integrated manner.
Given its position as a major donor to both regions, Japan could
act as a bridge between Asia and Africa, particularly by matching
Africa's development requirements with successful Asian
experiences. By serving as the nexus in the Asia-Africa
partnership, Japan could effectively facilitate the transfer of
know-how, experience, and expertise between the two. The upcoming
50th anniversary celebration of the Asia-Africa Conference to be
held in Bandung would be a timely opportunity for Japan to
present a renewed, more assertive platform of development
diplomacy centering on the "Asia-Africa interface".

The second suggestion is that Japan carves out a niche role as
a "synergy builder". This means assuming the responsibility of
consolidating, coordinating, and synchronizing various aid
objectives, fora, and development agency initiatives to enable
greater synergy and wider multiplier effects. The plethora of aid
bodies, actors, and programs existing today easily lead to
duplications, redundancies, and wasted effort. Japan could
exercise its clout to introduce mechanisms and a common framework
for coordination, thus bringing together the numerous actors and
programs in a coherent and mutually complementing development
agenda.

Japan must also take into account bilateral and domestic
issues and sincerely resolve the many problems there to ensure
genuine, lasting support. Tokyo should pay particular attention
to the specific sentiments and sensitivities of its immediate
neighbors. It should be wiser in reading concerns expressed by
Beijing and Seoul, for example, and iron out any differences
before they escalate into more serious tensions. Failure to
nurture harmonious bilateral ties, particularly with its closest
neighbors, will badly undermine Japan's credibility and
effectiveness as a global actor.

Domestically, Japan must educate further its citizens on the
significance of its ascendancy in world affairs and the
inherently greater responsibilities, obligations and expectations
therein. Just as the UN itself belongs to the people, the
prestige, honor and responsibility of being a permanent member on
the UNSC must reach the ordinary Japanese citizens. A bigger role
on the UNSC should not be limited to Tokyo's elitist groups. It
must be backed by the support and participation of the people.

Japan is poised to assume a new role and responsibility as a
permanent member of an expanded UNSC. After 60 years, the UN
needs a thorough revamping. It desperately needs new faces, fresh
talents, and renewed credibility. Japan promises to be a
formidable partner. The world should therefore accord Japan the
recognition it deserves and grant it its rightful place as a
permanent member in a revitalized UNSC.

The writer is a research and planning officer at the Tokyo-
based Asian Productivity Organization. He can be reached at
mochtan@tkd.att.ne.jp