Fri, 08 Apr 2005

Japan eyes permanent seat on UNSC

AKP Mochtan, Tokyo

Japan's political-diplomatic crusade is entering its final phase. In Larger Freedom, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's newly released report, has set out a framework and timetable to address global challenges confronting our survival. The urgent agenda items include reform of the present UN Security Council (UNSC), enlarging the current number of its permanent members to a new total of 24 by adding new members who do not have the power to veto decisions. Japan is one of the hopeful aspirants, expecting to be confirmed possibly by this September when the world leaders get together in conjunction with the 60th anniversary of the world body.

Ascendancy as a permanent member of the UNSC forms the core of Japanese diplomacy. Tokyo has worked diligently to prove its worth. Recognizing that financial prowess alone would not suffice, Tokyo has taken great pains to make possible the dispatch of its troops to peacekeeping operations, a highly charged issue in the constitutionally pacifist nation. With this, Japan made a significant leap forward as a full and equal actor in international and security affairs.

On the finance side, Japan has a proud, incontestable record. It contributes close to 20 percent of the UN regular budget, second only to the United States and surpasses the combined contributions of the four other current permanent members of the UNSC. Tokyo has also been consistent in financing recent post- conflict peace-building activities as well as providing substantive voluntary contributions to other UN programs and specialized agencies. With endless crises around the world, most requiring urgent interventions with huge funding, Japan is likely expected to continue to top the list in shouldering UN expenses.

As suitable and likely a candidate it may be, Japan's acceptance as a permanent member of the UNSC cannot be taken for granted. There may not be outright rejections of Japan's bid, but the majority of presumed supporters are remaining silent. Given the short lead time available, the silence is deafening.

An important first step for Japan is to articulate its vision and mission clearly. Securing a permanent seat on the UNSC might have started as a national aspiration. But an explanation of the post-election scenario, particularly how Tokyo will align and synergize its own strategic interests with those of the larger world community, is conspicuously lacking. It is time Japan explains how it intends to transcend its national ambitions and to place greater priority on meeting the diverse needs of the international community. A clear vision from Tokyo will help to eliminate skeptics and hopefully build the trust of the great majority of its friends -- not only of a few, exclusive allies.

Equally important, clarity and trust must also prevail in Japan's financial assistance. This goes beyond contributions to the UN and includes overall funds for development assistance. As the world's second-largest donor, Japan's aid budget is huge. The world will expect Japan to continue its financial largess. In light of this, Tokyo must ensure its generosity and good intentions are not seen as "buying" support.

Japan must carefully assess how and where its aid is directed. Clear signals on the direction of its aid will help clarifying its orientation. Japan must strive to win over the largest possible audience, not simply please a narrow coalition of a limited group of powerful states. For this purpose, two suggestions might help Japan to shape its aid disbursement strategy.

The first is to reconfirm Asia and Africa as top-priority areas. Understandably, Japan strategic interests go far beyond these two continents. Asia, however, represents Japan's own roots. African nations, on the other hand, are struggling with many of the world's gravest challenges. They would benefit tremendously from Japan's expert assistance.

Japan has already introduced numerous initiatives in Asia and recently in Africa. The challenge is how to consolidate and repackage these various initiatives in an integrated manner. Given its position as a major donor to both regions, Japan could act as a bridge between Asia and Africa, particularly by matching Africa's development requirements with successful Asian experiences. By serving as the nexus in the Asia-Africa partnership, Japan could effectively facilitate the transfer of know-how, experience, and expertise between the two. The upcoming 50th anniversary celebration of the Asia-Africa Conference to be held in Bandung would be a timely opportunity for Japan to present a renewed, more assertive platform of development diplomacy centering on the "Asia-Africa interface".

The second suggestion is that Japan carves out a niche role as a "synergy builder". This means assuming the responsibility of consolidating, coordinating, and synchronizing various aid objectives, fora, and development agency initiatives to enable greater synergy and wider multiplier effects. The plethora of aid bodies, actors, and programs existing today easily lead to duplications, redundancies, and wasted effort. Japan could exercise its clout to introduce mechanisms and a common framework for coordination, thus bringing together the numerous actors and programs in a coherent and mutually complementing development agenda.

Japan must also take into account bilateral and domestic issues and sincerely resolve the many problems there to ensure genuine, lasting support. Tokyo should pay particular attention to the specific sentiments and sensitivities of its immediate neighbors. It should be wiser in reading concerns expressed by Beijing and Seoul, for example, and iron out any differences before they escalate into more serious tensions. Failure to nurture harmonious bilateral ties, particularly with its closest neighbors, will badly undermine Japan's credibility and effectiveness as a global actor.

Domestically, Japan must educate further its citizens on the significance of its ascendancy in world affairs and the inherently greater responsibilities, obligations and expectations therein. Just as the UN itself belongs to the people, the prestige, honor and responsibility of being a permanent member on the UNSC must reach the ordinary Japanese citizens. A bigger role on the UNSC should not be limited to Tokyo's elitist groups. It must be backed by the support and participation of the people.

Japan is poised to assume a new role and responsibility as a permanent member of an expanded UNSC. After 60 years, the UN needs a thorough revamping. It desperately needs new faces, fresh talents, and renewed credibility. Japan promises to be a formidable partner. The world should therefore accord Japan the recognition it deserves and grant it its rightful place as a permanent member in a revitalized UNSC.

The writer is a research and planning officer at the Tokyo- based Asian Productivity Organization. He can be reached at mochtan@tkd.att.ne.jp