Japan creates its own wall

Japan creates its own wall

Kornelius Purba
The Jakarta Post
Staff Writer
Seminyak, Bali
korpur@yahoo.com

At 33, politician Kiyohiko Toyama from the New Komeito Party
perhaps is a commendable portrait of the younger Japanese
people's inertia against Japan's much-criticized Official
Development Assistance (ODA) for rampant corruption by the
recipients and Japanese parties involved in managing the huge
fund.

Speaking in the Third Asian Statesman's Forum last Tuesday,
Toyama, an Upper House member, described his own finding during a
recent visit to East Timor. He found that a power plant in the
new state is not operated by the East Timorese, but by Japanese
and other expatriates.

Toyama was furious when an East Timorese just replied,"Let the
Japanese government comes back to fix it," when he was asked
about the fate of the power station if one day Japanese people
leave Dili.

"We do not want to keep this dependent mentality," Toyama
said.

For decades developing countries, especially Southeast Asian
countries, are economically very dependent on Japan. Japan is an
endless source of cheap and easily abused loans, it imports
nearly everything and exports nearly all the needs of the people
in the regions. Its companies are very aggressive, at all means,
to win Japanese-funded projects. Nereus Acosta, a Filipino
Congressman, said in his speech that about 40 percent of the
Philippine's annual budget, much of it from Japan, was corrupted.

But who cares about Japan's own problems? Japan is still
unable to get rid of its economic crisis that hit 10-years ago.
It is true. But look at another fact that despite its prolonged
economic disaster, the country is still able to retain its
position as the world's second biggest economy after the U.S. And
look at the Japanese tourists who stay at five-star hotels in
Bali and their shopping habits: they are rich people who are not
affected by their current economic hardship.

The dependent mentality was also well reflected in the Bali
forum. When the session discussed religion and then the terrorist
network in the region, Akiko Kato, a researcher from Keio
University complained about the negative impacts of the fact that
there was practically no religion in Japan.

Her complaint was however considered as an opportunity to ask
for further assistance from Japan. "The fact that you are a non-
religious country is a plus factor for you to help resolve
interreligious conflicts in our region," said a participant from
a neighboring country.

Arifin Panigoro, an energy magnate and a legislator, openly
acknowledged that he had hosted the Bali meeting in his capacity
as a statesman and as a businessman. In one of the sessions, he
briefed the participants, many of them were executives of
Japanese energy companies, about the lucrative prospect of
liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Indonesia.

"Honestly speaking, I want to you to import more of our LNG,"
Arifin said with a big smile.

In the meantime, Japanese participants used their opportunity
to express their frustration, but it seemed unheard. Senior
diplomat Makio Miyagawa explained about Japan's gloomy prospect,
including the failure of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to
realize his economic reform package. Echoing Japanese public
sentiment against China's fast economic growth and its military
build up, the diplomat noted the necessity of anticipating
China's new role in the region.

"We want a constructive engagement in facing China,"
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
(ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said in response to Miyazawa's
concerns. Again who cares with Japan's concerns as its neighbors
still regard Japan as source of welfare and money?

A few days before the Bali forum, in Jakarta President
Megawati Soekarnoputri received Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)
Secretary General Taku Yamasaki. Yamasaki is widely known for his
wide-ranging business interests here and his visit this time was
officially aimed at celebrating Independence Day. The government
often regards Yamasaki as a defender of Indonesia, although for
many Japanese he is nothing more than a money broker here.

But now, how can Megawati expect Yamasaki's help, if his own
political career has been jeopardized by a sex scandal involving
a woman?

Toyama voiced the concerns of the younger Japanese that they
actually had also become the real victims of their government ODA
policy. Their money as taxpayers is abused by government
officials, while they are now facing higher unemployment rates
and even layoffs. They want more money to be used for their own
welfare.

On the opposite side, Yamasaki is the portrait of the old
generation of Japan who still grabs political power, who loves
huge infrastructure projects because it is easier to get profit
from them rather than grass-root projects. The Japanese press
regularly report so many scandals, from corruption to sex,
involving top Japanese officials, especially those from the LDP.
How can Koizumi implement his reform plan, like the banking
restructuring plan and the reduction of megaprojects, if the
vested interest of top politicians are often disturbed by the
reform measures?

How can Yamasaki preach about good governance to his hosts
here, who know about his scandal, and some of them may even think
they are smarter than Yamasaki in facing similar situations?

Japanese participants at the forum clearly expressed their
hope Japan could retain its Asian leadership, but in the meantime
also realized that it is likely only a matter of time before
China takes over Japan's economic supremacy.

Toyama is likely a prototype of the younger Japanese
generation: Fluent in English, smart and confident they know how
to improve Japan's economy. But they are facing a wall, a wall
not created by their neighbors but by their own leaders.