It is up to Tokyo to lead Pyongyang out of its cocoon

By A.K.P. Mochtan

TOKYO (JP): Hopeful signs are emerging in the volatile Korean peninsula, with Tokyo and Pyongyang set to discuss possibilities of forging diplomatic ties. If successful, it will be a great achievement for Japanese diplomacy, resolving one of the two final legacies of World War II. The other remaining issue, a dispute with Moscow over the chain of islands off Hokkaido, is continuing with lesser prospects for a settlement.

The new opening with Pyongyang came to light early this month following the successful visit by a group of Japanese lawmakers, headed by former prime minister Tomiichi Murayama. Traveling with no fixed agenda at hand, the Japanese parliamentary delegation brought home a joint statement underlining points which included the importance of resuming negotiations for diplomatic relations by the respective governments.

The last talks on the subject ended in failure in 1992, after eight rounds of discussion, due to irreconcilable differences regarding conditions for formal ties. Thereafter, it was the United States that dominated center stage, and Tokyo was relegated to playing a secondary role in supporting Washington's move and initiatives.

North Korea's launch of the Taepodong missile over Japan at the end of August 1998 led to a freeze in Tokyo-Pyongyang relations. Troubled relations became even frostier this September following the intrusion of a North Korean boat into Japanese waters. Against this background, the joint communique by Murayama provides a welcome opportunity to overcome the impasse.

Japan's Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi was quick in extending the olive branch to pave the way for the talks. In practically no time, Tokyo lifted the remaining set of sanctions it imposed following the Taepodong incident, including the ban on food aid. Some parts of the ban were eased earlier when Pyongyang gave Washington a pledge for a moratorium on missile testing.

The stage is thus set for multistage talks involving multiple actors. On the official track, bureau chief-level officers will first meet to determine the procedures and agenda for the negotiations. Concurrently, as called for in the joint communique, Red Cross organizations of the respective countries will also meet and discuss ways to oversee humanitarian issues pertaining to both sides.

Realization of formal ties will be difficult and tedious, or at least this is the expectation of Tokyo. The chief reason for this is the many thorny issues involved. One sticking point is Pyongyang's failure to satisfy Japan's query on the whereabouts of a number of its nationals who went missing in the 1970s. Tokyo maintains that North Korean agents abducted them, whereas Pyongyang has been evasive despite intelligence reports indicating the use of these people for espionage purposes by North Korea. This issue will likely remain a top priority for Tokyo. Without a drastic change of attitude from Pyongyang, it will be a formidable item on the agenda to surmount.

There is also concern regarding Pyongyang's ulterior motives. The common view in Tokyo is that Pyongyang's ultimate goal is to extract money. Normalization is only a means to fulfill the North's long-term objective of obtaining reparations -- not only during the time of Japan's colonial rule in Korea, but also in the postwar period. Pyongyang's demand that Japan provide food aid ahead of the normalization talks raises the specter of such a motive.

This has fueled Tokyo's cautious approach. In announcing the decision to terminate Japan's sanctions, Chief Cabinet Secretary Mikio Aoki underlined that the decision did not mean Japan would extend food and other forms of assistance immediately. Concrete measures on these matters will be decided only after carefully watching the development of the preliminary talks and North Korea's responses.

All in all, it is still unclear whether the new chapter in Tokyo-Pyongyang relations will be brighter than the earlier ones. The final results aside, Japan's quick and positive gesture toward Pyongyang is laudable for a number of reasons.

First, it promotes good deeds which hopefully will flourish. This is important in view of Pyongyang's penchant for provocative and intimidating acts when calling for attention. It is time to put a stop to Pyongyang's bullying, thug-like attitude. Tokyo's willful overtures will hopefully go a long way in encouraging the belligerent regime in Pyongyang to opt for "good behavior", and not threats.

Second, the mere process of engaging Pyongyang provides a new opening that would hopefully draw the isolationist regime out of its solitary cocoon. This is important for the general populace, particularly, in improving their livelihood. From humanitarian perspectives, it is totally unacceptable that people -- especially children -- have to suffer from starvation and malnutrition when our present world is capable of producing so much food and medicine. In this context, Japan's Red Cross has an important humanitarian mission which is not limited to Japanese interests only.

Finally, Tokyo's initiative augurs well with the steps undertaken by the other two countries deeply involved in the stability and security affairs in the Korean peninsula, namely South Korea and the U.S. Tokyo's move definitely adds credence to the tripartite efforts initiated by William Perry, the top U.S. policy coordinator for North Korea. Positive and stable relations between Tokyo and Pyongyang constitute a vital contribution to the tripartite effort, and to the region in general.

In sum, the normalization of relations with Pyongyang is not simply a matter of prestige for Japanese diplomacy. It has real potential to facilitate creation of an open and predictable Korean peninsula. Let's hope that Tokyo will have the patience, forbearance and farsightedness to accomplish these aims.

The writer is an observer of international affairs, currently residing in Tokyo.