Israel's democracy, foreign policy

Israel's democracy, foreign policy

By Riza Sihbudi

JAKARTA (JP): Israel's Prime Minister Ehud Barak resigned on
Dec. 10. Ariel Sharon, the Likud Party's hardliner, once labeled
Barak, of the Labor Party, as the weakest leader in Israel's
history.

Sharon said Barak was "easily manipulated" by Palestine leader
Yasser Arfat, referring to Barak's idea to divide the western
area to become Israel's capital. This idea, according to Sharon,
clearly contradicts the history of Israel's determination,
through thousands of years, to make Jerusalem, undivided, as the
"eternal capital" for the Jews.

As an inflexible ideologue with a reputation of being anti-
Arab/anti-Palestine, Sharon's reaction to Barak's idea was
natural; he has, therefore, tried intensively to end Barak's
leadership.

So far, Sharon has had some success. His provocative visit to
the Al-Aqsha Mosque complex not only succeeded in derailing the
Middle East peace process -- built up so carefully by Barak and
US President Bill Clinton -- but the violence between Israel and
Palestine that followed led to a political crisis and Barak's
resignation.

The aftermath of Israel's political crisis is yet to be known.
Will Barak win the special elections planned for early next year,
or will Sharon, or former PM Benjamin Netanyahu, also from Likud,
be victor?

What is definite is that this crisis has clearly shown that
Israel's domestic political process has been in line with
democratic norms. At least if one takes into account public
control on power, free elections and clear separation of powers
between the executive, legislative and judiciary bodies.

It is then difficult to disagree with political expert Samuel
P. Huntington who said Israel was the "most democratic country"
in the Middle East. However, in 1969 political scientist David
Apter described Israel as a pyramid given its authoritarian
process of decision making.

Regarding values, he wrote that Israelis had a sense of
solidarity. In other words, they are elitist; but also democratic
and plural.

Another expert says Israel's political system is basically
rooted in ideological and interest factions; but at the level of
leadership there is also the strong tendency toward accommodation
and consensus.

This means that even if the elites of subcultures like the
Likud, Labor and religious-based parties are embroiled in
intensive competition leading to political instability, they
would voluntarily strive to avoid cultural fragmentation; this is
known as "consociational democracy."

In Apter's view, through such democracy, the ideological and
interest factions among society change into an effective plural
democratic arena at the elite level.

The recent political crisis shows the fairly balanced power
between Likud and Labor in both the executive and legislative
bodies. This also indicates that whoever wins the 2001 election
will not find it easy to make radical changes. Continuity, rather
than change, is the more likely outcome.

In foreign policy, particularly the attitude to Israel-Arab
peace, the same is to be expected. Even Barak's victory would not
guarantee real peace. Labor has in fact never showed a clear
stance on the establishment of a Palestinian state. It is Likud
which has been clearly against such plans.

Israel's democracy, in other words, only functions internally;
foreign policy, especially towards Palestinians, has contradicted
their values of democracy and human rights. It is this aspect
which, consciously or not, has been overlooked by experts like
Huntington.

Beyond all this, whether the peace process continues will
depend more on two things: first, the political will from the
United States under new President George W. Bush of the
Republican party, as a main sponsor of the process and also as
the only country able to pressure Israel.

Republicans are expected to be more fair in the Middle East
conflict compared to the Democrats who are known to be heavily
pro-Israel.

Second is the earnestness of the Arab nations to arrive at a
unified stance among themselves. The lack of unity has led to
them being manipulated by the US-Israel alliance.

Hopefully, the recent flurry of Arab leaders trying to make
themselves more unified is not just driven by short term
political interests in the face of Israel's repression towards
Palestinians. Their unity should be aiming for the long term,
substantial peace -- and not just symbolic peace, to quote the
intellectual, Edward W. Said.

The writer is chairman of the Indonesian Society for Middle
East Studies (ISMES).