Islamic values and civil society

Islamic values and civil society

By Komaruddin Hidayat

JAKARTA (JP): All the major religions of the world, such as
Hinduism, the Jewish religion, Christianity and Islam, did not
rely on bureaucratic and institutional power in the early days of
their movement, but rather on the power of the founders, who
offered freedom from the tyranny oppressing the people.

These figures were usually supported by alternative and
visionary ideas so that at their inception all religious
movements could easily win militant support from the oppressed.
However, when a religious movement developed with a large body of
followers and gave birth to political institutions with religious
characteristics, various deviations and betrayals of the
underlying message of the religion in question began.

While a religion was originally very much concerned with the
struggle for human rights, justice and the principles of
democracy, a religion-based political institution was frequently
the other way around. This phenomenon is evident throughout
history, in which dynasties and forces with religious
characteristics often resorted to authoritarian and feudalistic
political practices, hiding behind the authority of clerics
coalescing with dynastic rulers. At this point a religious
authority collaborated with a political authority in such a way
that a culture of criticism could hardly develop.

If we observe the history of political development in Islam it
would be no exaggeration to conclude that the Islamic world is in
fact still devoid of a tradition of a civil society in the
understanding and context of Western society. Although the term
masyarakat madani (the Indonesian equivalent to "civil society")
is gaining popularity today, historically and conceptually there
is a fundamental difference between the civil society as known in
the West and what is termed here as masyarakat madani.

The genealogy of Western civil society came into being out of
historic-empirical experiences which placed religion outside
politics. The teaching of the church "to leave religion to the
church and politics to the state" contributed to the theological
legitimacy of a secular-humanistic civil society in the West.

In the history of Islam, the concept of a civil society came
about as a legacy of the Prophet Muhammad, the messenger and the
founder of the Islamic movement. The model of society in Madinah
in Saudi Arabia, which was the greatest legacy of Muhammad, was
maintained and continued by his successors. Unfortunately, the
Islamic political tradition and structure which was originally
highly egalitarian, underwent great deviation when it fell to
dynastic powers. The long history of Islam is one of the ups and
downs of various dynasties relying upon ulema and blue blood
descendants. This is why, toward a modern era stressing
democracy, justice, egalitarianism, human rights and
transparency, the political tradition of the Islamic world began
to look bleak and needed reform.

In the Indonesian context, since its inception, this nation
has, theoretically, progressed ahead of others in the Islamic
world. The choice of a republic and of Pancasila as its ideology
meant the application of the principles of a civil society in a
modern sense, despite the fact that the majority of the
population is Muslim. The seedlings and legacy of Islam have been
fostered here together with those of modernity from the West. Not
surprisingly, widely accepted politicians and scientists who are
known to be critical are those who inherited the Islamic
tradition and have also acquired modern Western education.

The spirit of Islam and modernity grows on Indonesian soil,
which in turn will give birth to what has been termed the
"modern-Indo-Muslim." What has been imagined of Indonesian
society is an ideal and an image marked by, among other things,
religious pluralism and democracy, the realization of which must
still be fought for together.

In a traditional community, religious institutions and figures
can easily be used to attain political power, but in a democratic
era this will no longer be effective and acceptable. Even if
Indonesia refuses to be dubbed a secular state, a number of basic
elements of the system of a secular state have already taken
shape, as indicated by the strengthening of democracy and a
multi-party system here. To reach political power one must be
elected by the public, and can no longer rely on religious
authority.

Interestingly in the previous general election religious-
oriented political parties lost, and those with a nationalistic
ideology won more votes. This reality reinforces the emergence of
democratic and pluralistic Indonesia, leading to a significant
shift in the traditional role of religion.

It is true that in the election, religious figures and symbols
still exerted great influence in order to gain votes. But future
public demand of political actors will shift to quality,
professionalism and morality instead of religious figures
depending on their established ties and emotional loyalties of
potential voters. However, we have to be ready for disappointment
in view of the development of political culture here which has
yet to become rational. Suspicions, intrigues and political
maneuvers based on ideology still seem strong enough to stay. In
the tradition of Western society, the term "ideology" has a
negative connotation because an ideological power relies more on
emotional strength, simplification of problems and manipulation
of the masses; it always assumes there is an enemy to be
conquered, leading to constraints in a win-win solution in view
of such an exclusive character.

Yet, in Indonesia, the term and power of ideology is
apparently still strong and is being preserved because of its
association with religious militancy and ethnic identity.

In this transitional period, in which political and economic
stability is yet to be seen, it is highly likely that ideological
forces based on religious and ethnic sentiments will be
reinforced. The final target of reform -- upholding supremacy of
the law and the creation of a democratic political climate --
would suffer a setback.

Support for our foreign policies under President Abdurrahman
Wahid would be useless unless followed by domestic restructuring
of politics and the economy. The trouble is that the forces of
interest groups, and ethnic and religious groups, have indicated
mutual suspicion and efforts of disrupting each other instead of
closing their ranks to solve the nation's acute problems. While
in continental Europe there is a centripetal movement in which
small states formerly embroiled in disputes are now approaching
one another, in Indonesia our unity is instead threatened by
centrifugal motions.

Ironically, the military so far considers these forces to be a
unifying one for the nation and was the disintegrating factor
under former president Soeharto since its role was coopted by
rulers' political adventures. This led to various human rights
violations leading to the emergence of these centrifugal motions.

The writer is chairman of the Paramadina Foundation which
pursues Islamic studies and is also a professor of philosophy.