Islamic organizations play major role on political stage

Islamic organizations play major role on political stage

YOGYAKARTA (JP): Indonesia's oldest and biggest student
organization, the Association of Islamic Students (HMI), recently
concluded its congress fending off criticism about its apparent
cozying up to the power holders.

The following public debate about whether HMI (established in
1947) should be more independent provoked another question: Where
exactly is the place of Islamic youth organizations on today's
Indonesian political map?

Political scientist Riswandha Imawan of Gadjah Mada University
talked to The Jakarta Post about the issue.

Question: How do you describe the role of Moslem youth
organizations in today's politics?

Answer: The majority of mass organizations in Indonesia today
are "personalized". People are confused. They cannot
differentiate between the organizations and the people (in the
organizations). For example, Muhammadiyah (one of the Indonesia's
biggest Moslem organizations) is seen as identical with its
chairman Amien Rais. Nahdlatul Ulama (the largest Moslem
organization in Indonesia) is seen as identical with Gus Dur
(nickname of NU leader Abdurrahman Wahid).

That explains why, when we talk about an organization in
particular, we sound as though we are talking about their
individual figures. It's a "disease" that makes it difficult for
us to see if a particular activity is part of an organization or
of a person.

When Gus Dur displayed a closeness to Tutut (the nickname of
Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, top leader of the ruling political
organization Golkar), for instance, the public could not say
whether it was a personal relationship between the two or between
Nahdlatul Ulama and Golkar.

And then there's another question of the historical burden
that Moslem organizations have had to bear.

Q: What do you mean?

A: (Over the course of Indonesian history) Islamic organizations
were the first to become political. For example, when the Islamic
Trade Association was founded in 1911, people were able to
immediately identify its political orientation, namely protecting
the interests of Moslem traders.

By the historical burden I mean that people just assume that
Islamic organizations are those that would initiate social
change.

During the transfer of power (from the Old Order regime to the
New Order in 1965), Islamic organizations played a key role. They
mobilized people (in uprising against the regime) and HMI
happened to be the most dominant player at the time.

It was also the association of Islamic Students of Indonesia
(PII) which was behind the student rallies at the time. (PII had
a strong informal relationship with HMI in which most former PII
cadres joined HMI when they became university students).

People still see Moslem student organizations in such a light.
If you ask about where Moslem student organizations stand in
today's political scene, you'll find conflict. Because there is
also another factor which wasn't there before.

Q: What is it?

A: Organizations now can be controlled (by the holders of power).
They become mere tools. In such a situation, any ideas of change
can easily be annihilated by government institutions.

This is seen in any election of an organization. If the
government foresees certain elected leaders as potential
troublemakers, it needs only to express disagreement with those
people. This situation fits the concept that everything should
serve (the government's) economic development.

Q: So critics were not exaggerating when they called HMI a mere
henchman of authority?

A: HMI is one of the pioneers of the New Order, along with the
other people's forces, including the Armed Forces. However, any
integration of people's power with the Armed Forces usually
results in the disappearance of people's power. The Armed Forces
always ends up as the dominant party.

In the case of HMI, I suppose, its role is to filter out any
rift or push for change of things which may cause problems to the
government. I think it's in this sense that HMI is now dubbed the
"security guard" of authority.

Q: So HMI is "used" by the government?

A: This is not something that happens to HMI alone. It happens to
all organizations.

In a nation where national stability is seen as the
prerequisite of economic development, such a thing is
unavoidable. If they (the organizations) want to survive, they
need to accommodate government interests.

Q: Is an equal relationship between the government and Moslem
organizations possible?

A: People now see Islamic organizations more as a political
vehicle rather than as sociocultural or educational
organizations. This is (a perception) that some scholars have
been trying to correct. Those thinkers include Adi Sasono, Amien
Rais, Nurcholis Madjid and others. They keep reminding us that
the relationship between the government and mass organizations
should be mutual, not that of a boss and his employees.

There are now two kinds of youth groups: those that can be
used by the power holders and those who strive to exert social
control.

People like Adi Sasono, Amien Rais and Dawam Rahardjo
(prominent members of the influential Association of Indonesian
Moslem Intellectuals) can be considered as the pioneers of
organizations that try to correct social situations. They serve
as magnets that attract Islamic students (to join them) no matter
what their organizations are. (swa)