Islam: In search of a civil society
Islam: In search of a civil society
Imam Cahyono, Contributor, Purworkerto, Central Java
Islam & Civil Society -- Pandangan Muslim Indonesia (Views of
Indonesian Muslims); By Hendro Prasetyo, Ali Munhanif et al;
Gramedia, Jakarta 2002
Traditionalist Islam and modernist Islam: Debates about the
two have always drawn attention because they are multidimensional
in nature, covering a wide range of issues, from theology,
culture and education to political practices.
Traditionalism and modernism are often linked to rural culture
and urban culture respectively. The country's largest Muslim
organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), is assumed to represent the
former, while Muhammadiyah is regarded as representative of
modernist Islam.
In the course of history, the relationship between the two
camps has often been defined by either cooperation or
confrontation. Discussions on NU and Muhammadiyah always involve
hope along with enduring concern as the relationship between the
two groups is imbued with a delicate emotional nature from past
history.
Competition between the two groups is multidimensional,
covering not only political aspects, but also various other
issues, including matters pertaining to the meaning and
development of civil society in Indonesia.
This book explains in detail the meaning of civil society
based on the traditionalist Muslim paradigm and modernist Muslim
paradigm. Arguments about the two groups are clear, supported by
empirical field studies involving prominent figures from a number
of well-known organizations.
Particularly noteworthy is that the comprehension of civil
society shows the diversity that is in a state of constant
development. As a social concept that emerged in the 18th
century, civil society is open to various developments,
connotations and interpretations, as theories of civil society
develop and change.
Debates about civil society are mostly triggered by the
difference in theoretical perspectives and the ability to place
them in a historical context within a particular society.
The difference between the traditionalist and the modernist in
defining civil society, which is found in the motivations and
approaches that are used, will eventually influence strategy. The
final result will probably be the durability of each civil
society construction.
The political constellation between Islam and the government
(read: the state), which has existed since Sukarno's government,
with the disbandment of the Masyumi political party, has caused
the modernist to seek a new theological foundation to participate
in development during the New Order era.
The motivation for finding accommodation in the New Order's
process of development has prompted modernists to develop a civil
society based on the Hegelian approach, with emphasis on
complementary and supplementary functions. Civil society or
buergerliche gesselschaft is a social institution that is present
between families and the state, and used by citizens to fulfill
the interests of individuals and groups.
Thus, civil society plays a part in the state's functions.
Muhammadiyah has since the beginning developed the educational
sector intensively, the social sector and the health service
sector. Moreover, civil society also emphasizes the importance of
the middle class as this group is more or less dependent on the
state. As is the case with most third world countries, the state
plays a crucial role in all sectors of the nation.
Alexis de Toqueville sharply criticized the Hegelian approach
adopted by modernist Muslims, because Hegel regarded the position
of a state as the ultimate standard. Dependence on the state will
cause civil society to lose its political dimension, making it
unable to provide checks and balances for the nation's leadership
and leaving it susceptible to state manipulation and
intervention.
The Toquevillian approach NU has adopted puts emphasis on the
function of civil society to counterbalance the state and control
the state interventionist power by strengthening independent
organizations in society.
NU has applied this approach because in the first two decades
of the New Order government, it was not properly involved in the
political process and its articulation. Such political
marginalization occurred as the New Order regime accommodated
only modernists, who supported modernization and had carried out
Islamic political innovation.
At the end of the 1980s, NU focused its activities on the
creation of free public spheres, fostering open and free
communication, advocacy for the less empowered members of society
and the empowerment of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). NU
believed that civil society could be built provided that the
society as a whole was self-reliant and free from state
cooptation and intervention.
The difference in construction and approach is reflected in
the use of the term civil society itself. The traditionalist
group has translated civil society into masyarakat sipil, but the
modernist group has used the term masyarakat madani. The
difference of translation has a close link with the socio-
political experience and the religious thought of each group.
Traditionalists have used the democratization strategy from
the bottom up and modernists from the top down. Basically, the
difference shifts to reach a meeting point, that is the creation
of a just and prosperous society, with social justice as well as
just and civilized humanity as its pillars.
The result of studies contained in this book indicates that
community leaders are aware of the need to develop civil society
in the Indonesian Muslim community. This constitutes a challenge
but also shows the potential for the development of civil society
in the country.
In the creation of civil society, it is necessary to
understand and comprehend the meaning of this term first. This
book is therefore worth reading, amid the scarcity of information
about civil society among our people.
The reviewer is the coordinator of the Forum of Strategic Islamic
Studies, and former chief editor of LPM Sketsa at University
Jenderal Soedirman in Purwokerto.